Baloch separatists groups become more and more DIVIDED

M Ali Khan

Minister (2k+ posts)
A House Divided: The cloak-and-dagger story of splits among Baloch militants

by Maqbool Ahmed, Herald Magazine
16 December 2014

It was an unusual development. Two leaders of the Baloch separatist movement not only differed vehemently with each other, they also made their disagreement known to all and sundry through press statements.

On October 9, 2014, Mir Suleman Daud, the exiled heir to the Khan of Kalat, strongly criticised Dr Allah Nazar, the leader of the militant group Balochistan Liberation Front (BLF), in a statement published in newspapers in Balochistan. London-based Daud was unhappy that Nazar had a meeting with Akhtar Mengal, a former chief minister of Balochistan whose Balochistan National Party (BNP) is active in electoral politics, something that Baloch separatists and militants disapprove of.

“A pro-independence guerrilla leader should have never met Akhtar Mengal,” said Daud, as reported by the trilingual daily newspaper Tawar. He also accused the Mengals of duplicity.

“On one hand, Javaid Mengal [who leads a separatist group, Lashkar-e-Balochistan, from London] prides himself on waging an armed struggle [for the] independence of Balochistan … and on the other, he sends his brother (Akhtar Mengal) to Pakistan to contest parliamentary elections,” the statement read.


An undated photograph shows Baloch rebels holding their weapons

The very next day, Nazar denied meeting Akhtar Mengal. “Even if [the meeting] had taken place, there would be nothing wrong with it,” he said in a statement also published in Tawar. Nazar claimed that his critics too had contacted Akhtar Mengal in the past. “The heavens did not fall when my honourable friend Hyrbyair Marri sent the Liberation Charter to Akhtar Mengal via his friends,” he added. This was a direct response to Daud’s description of Hyrbyair as the “only true leader of the Baloch freedom struggle”.

A senior Baloch political activist, who has worked as an office-bearer of the Baloch Student Organisation (BSO) in the first half of the 1990s, explains that the two statements, in fact, are the first public display of tensions long simmering among the separatist militant leaders. These tensions originally resulted from differences among the two sons of Nawab Khair Bakhsh Marri — the doyen of Baloch separatism and one of the three Baloch leaders who spearheaded a revolt against the Pakistan Army during the 1970s.

Soon after Khair Bakhsh Marri’s son Balach was killed in Afghanistan in 2007, his other son, Hyrbyair – who was then believed to be leading a militant organisation, Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) – was arrested in London. This made the senior Marri pass on control of the BLA to his third son Mehran, who is alleged to have grossly mismanaged the affairs of the organisation.

“Most BLA commanders believe that Mehran embezzled the BLA funds and weapons,” says the activist, wishing to remain unnamed due to the sensitive nature of the subject. Mehran is also said to have used the embezzled funds and weapons to set up his own militant organisation, United Baloch Army (UBA).

A pro-militant web portal, Bramsh News Media, has recently published some details of the allegations against Mehran. On November 1, 2014, the portal carried a report authored by its spokesperson, Beuragh Baloch, claiming that Mehran had stolen three million dollars from the BLA funds and two of his confidants, Qadir Marri and Murad Naadi, took away 50 per cent of the organisation’s weapon stash, worth around 800 million rupees.

“When Hyrbyair took back control of the BLA after his release [from arrest in London], Qadir and Murad escaped … with a stockpile of weapons and launched the UBA,” the report read. Khair Bakhsh Marri intervened in the dispute and asked Hyrbyair to pardon his brother but this ended up creating differences between Hyrbyair and his father, claimed the report.

Bashir Zeb Baloch, a former chairman of the BSO, has also written, since August 2014, a series of articles in daily Tawar about these circumstances. He wrote that he held several meetings with the BLF head Nazar and senior guerrilla commander Wahid Qambar before and after the emergence of the UBA. The purpose of these meetings was to get the BLA’s weapons back from Qadir Marri.

“Instead of helping [in returning the weapons], it appeared from their attitude that they wanted us to recognise the UBA and forget all differences,” he wrote in one of the articles. Later, he said, it was proven that the BLF was getting weapons from Qadir Marri, who had a good working relationship with Nazar.

Bashir Zeb Baloch then also wrote about contacting BSO chairman Zahid Baloch (who later went missing), urging him to extend political support equally to all separatist organisations — as an effort to remove the impression that the student wing of the Baloch separatism was supporting a specific organisation or a particular leader.

Analysts keenly following the activities of Baloch militants tell the Herald that two distinct groups have emerged among the Baloch separatist movement. “Dr Allah Nazar and his BLF have good ties with the UBA and Brahumdagh Bugti’s Baloch Republican Army,” says one of them on the condition of anonymity. The other group consists of the BLA and the BLF’s breakaway faction Balochistan National Liberation Front (BNLF). This second group has the political support of Daud, he adds.

The BNLF was formed a couple of years ago by BLF commanders Salim Baloch and Allah Bakhsh Jago. The latter was a drug smuggler before he became a militant. Jago and Salim Baloch had cited the killing of innocent people, both Baloch and settlers, as their reason for parting ways with the BLF. In reality, says the analyst, it was a BLA-backed move aimed at settling scores with Nazar. The split among the separatists, however, does not augur well for the BLA and its allies in the long run, the analyst adds.

Since the June 2014 death of Khair Bakhsh Marri, it has become difficult for the BLA to maintain its support among the Baloch who support secession from Pakistan. On the other hand, the BLF still boasts that one of its main leaders – Wahid Qambar – is a veteran of the insurgency of the 1970s, which has by now achieved a legendary status in Baloch history


An undated photograph showing Dr Allah Nazar Baloch, leader of the Balochistan Liberation Front — Reuters photo

Secondly, Nazar operates from within Balochistan whereas Hyrbyair Marri is living in England. The supporters of the former say he continues to face the security forces directly, while the latter is seen as being based in his relatively safe British shelter.

A recent incident explains what directly facing the security forces can entail. Nazar had a very narrow escape in a September 2014 encounter with security forces in Gomazi, an area of Kech district, according to a Balochistan government official. “Along with some of his men, he was trapped by security forces in a small village but escaped using underground irrigation tunnels, locally known as karezes,” the official says.

Insiders claim that such a close call for Nazar could have been a consequence of the split among militant groups, who seem as intent on fighting among themselves as they are on countering security forces. This, analysts say, may provide the security forces a rare opportunity to strike at the militants at a time when they are not at their united best.

“The army is likely to launch a security operation against Baloch militants,” says one analyst, “provided its operation against the Taliban in North Waziristan is successful.”


Read more: Akhtar Mengal, Allah Nazar Baloch, balochistan, BLF, Pakistan, separatists.

http://herald.dawn.com/2014/12/16/a-house-divided-2.html
 
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Samlee

Senator (1k+ posts)
Baloch "independence" Movement Was Never Popular, Only 2 1/2 Of The 107 Odd Tribes That Live In Balochistan Are In Revolt.All Other Tribes Are Pro Pakistan Even The Mainstream Nationalist Parties Like National Party JWP etc. Want To Pursue Peaceful Constitutional Path For Their Rights Which Is Fair Enough

These Are Nothing But A Noisy Minority
 

Altaf Lutfi

Chief Minister (5k+ posts)
Let us not be content and overjoyed by cracks in rebel entity. The main issue is under developed Balochistan and unless we address grievances of a common man, there is no escape from a dreadful future scenario.
 

M Ali Khan

Minister (2k+ posts)
Baloch "independence" Movement Was Never Popular, Only 2 1/2 Of The 107 Odd Tribes That Live In Balochistan Are In Revolt.All Other Tribes Are Pro Pakistan Even The Mainstream Nationalist Parties Like National Party JWP etc. Want To Pursue Peaceful Constitutional Path For Their Rights Which Is Fair Enough

These Are Nothing But A Noisy Minority

easy for the ones in rest of Pakistan to say it, when much of the current insurgency comes from southern and western Balochistan (Makran esp) which is non-tribal and non-sardari and largely lower middle class.

why else do you think Dr Allah Nazar has become so popular? because he was a student leader of BSO-Azad who founded BLF and came from a non-tribal lower middle class family from Mashkay, Awaran district.
 

Samlee

Senator (1k+ posts)
Let us not be content and overjoyed by cracks in rebel entity. The main issue is under developed Balochistan and unless we address grievances of a common man, there is no escape from a dreadful future scenario.


Through 18th Amendment and Latest NFC Award A Lot Of The Issues Have Been Settled.If We Give Them A Portion of The Transit Fees From Pipelines and Revenues Gwadar Port The Same Way We Give Net Hydel Profits to KPK Greiviances Can Be Settled.


We Should Root Out Corruption and Make Sure These Resources Are Spent On Our Baloch Brothers and Sisters Not on A Few Sardars.
 

Samlee

Senator (1k+ posts)
easy for the ones in rest of Pakistan to say it, when much of the current insurgency comes from southern and western Balochistan (Makran esp) which is non-tribal and non-sardari and largely lower middle class.

why else do you think Dr Allah Nazar has become so popular? because he was a student leader of BSO-Azad who founded BLF and came from a non-tribal lower middle class family from Mashkay, Awaran district.



It Is Known Fact That National Party Is The Most Popular in The Makran Region and Their CM Is In Charge Right Now.BLA Is Mostly of Marri Tribe BRA Is Mostly Of Mesouri Bugti(Kalpar Bugtis Are Pro Government) and Lashkare Balochistan Is Of Mengal Tribe.Now You Know When I Say 2 1/2 Tibes.Please Get Your Facts Correct.
 

M Ali Khan

Minister (2k+ posts)
It Is Known Fact That National Party Is The Most Popular in The Makran Region and Their CM Is In Charge Right Now.BLA Is Mostly of Marri Tribe BRA Is Mostly Of Mesouri Bugti(Kalpar Bugtis Are Pro Government) and Lashkare Balochistan Is Of Mengal Tribe.Now You Know When I Say 2 1/2 Tibes.Please Get Your Facts Correct.
-_-

BRA is NOT Masoori Bugti.

The Masoori Bugtis are led by Ghulam Qadir Bugti, whose son Sarfraz Bugti is the openly pro-state Home Minister of Balochistan. observe: http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-2-291080-Is-there-a-peace-plan-along-with-action

The Masooris and Kalpars are allies.

I am not the one who is supposed to check my facts here ;)

oh and for the record, NP and BNP-Mengal (led by Akhtar Mengal) had a tight race in Makran region and elsewhere. BNP-M has a wider following beyond Makran in places like Gwadar, Khuzdar, and Kharan.

Amir Mateen has written a lot of insightful stuff on Balochistan. You should give it a read.
 
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M Ali Khan

Minister (2k+ posts)
Is this the end?

Dedicated activists, disheartened by disunity, are withdrawing into themselves while some are forming factions as if there were not enough already



Mir Mohammad Ali Talpur
January 04, 2015


Early in November last year, when the United Baloch Army (UBA) reported that it had been attacked by members of the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA), one of its commanders had been killed and four of its fighters captured, there was speculation that this spelt the end of the insurgency in Balochistan. There was undisguised jubilation in some quarters at this sad development. The question is: does this signal the end of the headache for Pakistan as many want to believe and would love to see happen? Let us examine.


Historically, the Baloch resistance was never a monolithic entity. In the past, pockets of resistance were too far away from each other and communications through couriers took weeks if not months so there has always been a very loose arrangement and unity with the singular aim being to resist the denial of rights and oppression by the Pakistani state. The lack of modern means of communication kept unity limited and therefore differences too.


The latest round of resistance restarted around the year 2002 and, like in the past, began in the Marri area where the kernel of resistance had been preserved. After Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti’s confrontation with the state and his consequent martyrdom in August 2006, resistance groups strove to preserve the Baloch identity and resist aggression. The BLA was there, Dr Allah Nazar’s Baloch Liberation Front (BLF) was active too and the Baloch Republican Army (BRA) was formed. There was cooperation among the three and this had the establishment worried no end but, unfortunately, with the martyrdom of Balach Marri in November 2008, this cooperation ebbed.


The increasing cooperation between the resistance groups needled the establishment as they knew this cooperation would endanger their already tenuous hold. It was in 2007-2008 that Pakistan started a four-pronged attack on the Baloch resistance.

The first was to physically eliminate actual or suspected Baloch activists; even a whiff of suspicion carried a death warrant and with it began the institutionalised and systematic ‘dirty war’ against the Baloch.

The second was to create fissures within the existing groups, which was quite easy due to infiltration and plants because these groups were led by relatively new leaders and their recruits’ vetting was inadequate. Anybody loudly denouncing oppression qualified.

The third was the organising and funding of death squads like those of Shafiq Mengal to counter the nationalists.

Last but not the least was the state sponsorship of madrassas (seminaries) to bring about a change in the social ethos of traditionally secular Baloch society
.



The extravagant use of brute force and money started to have an effect and this was reinforced by the easy accessibility of social media where anybody with a fake identity said whatever he/she wanted with impunity. Social media, due to its novelty, easy access and apparent credibility, was effectively used to create confusion and disenchantment through spreading misinformation. The accusations, slander and untruths against the Baloch resistance on the cyber waves are mindboggling and this has done more damage than anything else by demoralising the cadre who do not have access to information that can help put their doubts to rest. No one can control social media; the slander and accusations continue to putrefy the atmosphere as anyone posing as anyone else can continue it. The Pakistani establishment is deeply involved in this as it has seen this bear fruit. This is compounded by a blanket ban on Baloch websites by the Pakistan Telecommunications Authority (PTA). Acceptance of all that is put on social media as truth undermines the resistance and unfortunately this will continue unless there is serious literature around to debunk the distortions but that will only happen when the cadre re-learn to read books instead of spending all their time on social media.


There indeed are deep differences between the BLF, UBA and BRA on one side and the BLA on the other. Then there were other issues of cooperation that demanded flexibility but rigidness prevailed and, eventually, cyber-warriors and loose cannons muddied the environment to the extent that the BLF in retaliation came out with a statement terming the BLA as an obstacle to the resistance and vice versa. These exchanges have become more marked since the death of Nawab Khair Bakhsh Khan Marri. It seems attempts to reconcile them have not borne fruit. These differences have seeped into student organisations too and this does not auger well for the resistance. Efforts for reconciliation are not being responded to so only a drawing back by the opposing sides themselves can lead to reconciliation.


The differences and disunity among the leaders is confounding the people and activists are giving up in despondency and frustration. Dedicated activists, disheartened by disunity, are withdrawing into themselves while some are forming factions as if there were not enough already. Those who sympathise with the Baloch resistance are worried by the frequent outbursts against each other and these differences undermine international sympathy as well. No one sympathises with bickering organisations; those who cannot put their house in order cannot hope that others will support them. Supporters have a very short tolerance capacity. They do not like to suffer fools. This rift is taking its toll in Balochistan as well as outside it. The consequences of the rift and fracture are dire. Moreover, Pakistan has stepped up persecution.


In a previous piece I wrote, “If the leaders want to become more than a footnote of ‘had fought’ in Balochistan’s history, they will have to change their ways and change them soon. Only those who love themselves and their self-interest more than Balochistan will find it hard to unite. Egos and differences need to be put aside. All organisations have a responsibility towards the Baloch people to serve them and the motherland selflessly and if they fail in their task of serving and leading the people, history will not forgive them.”


All said, will all these differences and problems mean the end? I do not think so because, as I said, the movement is not monolithic and, moreover, the struggle is larger than any organisation or individual and has found a place in the hearts and minds of the Baloch people because they have come to realise that their salvation lies in the struggle’s success. Any organisation or individual that goes against the people’s wishes is sooner rather than later bound to be rejected and the present crisis on which some have shown jubilation are in for a huge disappointment.


The writer has an association with the Baloch rights movement going back to the early 1970s. He tweets at mmatalpur and can be contacted at [email protected]

http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/opinion/04-Jan-2015/is-this-the-end