Serving Islam

Politcal Worker (100+ posts)
Newly emerging centres of power in this unipolar world are making their presence felt and the war for economic supremacy continues in many forms and manifestations. The European Union has become a major economic power, while China and India are among the emerging economic and political powerhouses. Consequently, the sole world power is busy resetting the rules of the game to offset threats to its supremacy in economic and political domains. It got the then world power, USSR, embroiled in a protracted and nerve-breaking conflict in Afghanistan and got it dismembered, finally. Replicating the same model, it wants to undermine Chinas political and economic power by dragging it in the matters of Pakistan. But the world has changed and this strategy would not bear any fruit. The fact that Russia and Spain did not support the resolution against Syria and the Europe left the sole superpower in the lurch, points to impending changes in the global arena. This would, ultimately, result in the establishment of a multi-polar world. In order to attain their stakes and carve out a space in the new world order, the global community has gone into action mode. The EU and China are too focused on becoming economic power hub to play any role in any regional or global conflict. However, this does not mean that they are oblivious to the developments at the global stage. South Asia, which comprises 50% population of the world, occupies strategic position for the future global order. Despite Pakistan having a weak economy overwhelmed by foreign loans and being sandwiched between powerful economies such as China and India, its geographical location renders it important place. This explains why it has become a hotbed of conspiracies where various regional and global powers are playing out their scripts to mark victory over their adversaries. The potential action against our nuclear programme and keeping a strong eye on China by establishing strong foothold in Pakistan are high on the radar screen of the international powers that be. The orchestrated campaign against Pakistans nuclear programme dubbing it unsafe is the seminal point of this heinous grand design. What is worrisome is the fact that these plans have been worked out with cooperation from some elements of the ruling elite. This is manifest from the blanket permission to grant visas to 700 foreigners in 2009 by doing away with immigration rules and regulations. These covert operatives are said to be involved in various objectionable activities. This highly sensitive issue has failed to get sufficient media scrutiny as its criticality warranted.The unending spate of terrorism and incidents of violence in the streets of Pakistan especially Karachi is indicative of the fact that agents of CIA, Blackwater and Mosaad are present in large numbers, whose activities seem geared to keep an eye on nuclear programme besides creating unrest in the country. A clear pattern seems to be discernible. A full-fledged media campaign would be launched at the global level citing some feigned or orchestrated theft of some of our nuclear materials at the hands of these foreign agents. A case would be built up, which would finally end up at the International Court of Justice. The UN has long lost its credibility as a potent and independent organization. Thus the global powers that be would not face much difficulty in getting restriction imposed on Pakistan. This situation must put the patriots and the Pakistani military on the red alert against these heinous conspiracies against the solidarity and integrity of the country. It is responsibility of every one of us to protect this country. There is no denying the fact that atomic programme is the guarantor of our national security and is key to maintaining its regional prestige. It would serve as deterrent against any form of aggression by the countrys adversaries. It is also incumbent upon the people at large to open up their eyes to the grim situation and play their central role in bringing a visionary, honest and capable leadership. It is high time we transformed from crowd into a nation. Every one should be duty bound to send the present exploitative system packing through peaceful and democratic struggle. Pakistan still has the potential to start its journey towards progress and prosperity provided if it gets rid of corruption and leadership crisis.

Serving Islam

Politcal Worker (100+ posts)
Reviewing terms of engagement - Article By Sahibzada Hussain Mohi-ud-Din Qadri

By Sahibzada Hussain Mohi-ud-Din Qadri

The train of events set into motion by the Abbottabad incident on May 2 has brought the relations between Pakistan-US to an all-time low. While Pakistan's establishment felt betrayed and humiliated after the American raid, it also came in for strong criticism from all quarters at the domestic front. Instead of opting for covert negotiations with the Pakistani authorities, the Obama administration chose to enhance pressure on Pakistan in a bid to make her comply with ever-increasing US demands.
All elements of the administration's opinion starting from President Obama to Chairman Joint Chief of Staff Mike Mullen to the Congressmen made no bones about their intentions to 'punish' Pakistan with a 'stick and carrot approach.' The Pakistani establishment, which was already finding it increasingly difficult to comply with the American diktat, got cornered as internal voices to detach the country from the America-led war on terror picked up momentum.
The accelerated pace of drone strikes in the tribal areas, bordering Pakistan and Afghanistan, and the increased emphasis on counter-insurgency operations away from the deployment of large armies overseas augur ill for the sustainable future of relations between Washington and Islamabad. Despite fire-fighting efforts by a plethora of US officials to push the reset button in relations, the strains have only become clearer by the day.
Though the two resolutions aimed at cutting down US aid to Pakistan have been defeated in the American Senate, the Obama administration's suspension of $800 million, a third of the $2.7 billion in military aid to Pakistan, only reveals the widening chasm between the two countries. The US Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, has tried to play down the rhetoric accompanying the suspension of military aid, saying that it should not be construed as 'any change in the US policy' and that the US would continue to give Islamabad civilian aid passed under Kerry-Lugar Act.
The Inter-Services of Public Relations (ISPR), in a reaction to the suspension of military aid, has reiterated the country's commitment to eliminate terrorism from the country with the use of indigenous resources. It said that this suspension would not affect the ongoing military operations. What has further complicated the already fragile relations is an orchestrated media campaign against Pakistan and its institutions.
The bilateral relations of both Islamabad and Washington now seem to follow a usual ebb and flow pattern. While Pakistan should not break with the US as it would be highly inadvisable, it is the right occasion to review the terms of engagement with the US to make it more equitable. An opportunity is always inherent in every risk and we must make the best use of it instead of being cowed down by the incidents. The following points are instructive in this regard:
Firstly, there is a dire need that the civilian and military leaderships undertake a dispassionate and exhaustive analysis of the geo-strategic situation currently obtaining in the domain of Pakistan-US relations. We must not allow the crises to spiral out of control. In accepting every US demand after 9/11, the Musharraf regime turned the country into a subservient state. While fighting terrorism and extremism was in Pakistan's interest, it must not have allowed the US to dictate terms. Pakistan must not plunge headlong into the North Waziristan operations under pressure from Washington. If at all any such decision is taken, it must purely be taken under our national domestic considerations.
Such an appraisal of our priorities and policies must also spell out 'red lines' for every country to respect and desist from crossing. This must involve the protection of the country's core interests ie sovereignty, nuclear interests, and territorial integrity. In his concluding speech at the National Seminar on De-radicalization in Swat the other day, the Prime Minister talked of the 'red lines' and asked the 'allies' not to advance their narrow interests at the cost of Pakistan.
These high-level statements need to be accompanied by comprehensive and consistent policies and not be a one-time media interaction. Coupled with this is the need of an articulation of consensus-based and uniform policies by all streaks of national opinion. It would send a strong message to the international community and inject substance into Pakistan's position on key policy issues. Any dichotomy of views between the civilian and military leaderships would betray signs of weakness.
The policy of putting all eggs in one basket is flawed to the core. Pakistan has pursued a Washington-centric, uni-focal foreign policy so far. Our relations with the countries of the Gulf region have weakened over a period of time. Islamabad should not only repair its relations with these friendly countries but also find new partners.
However, what Pakistan needs the most is the setting of its own house in order. Foreign policy, by all intents and purposes, is a reflection and sum total of domestic policies. If a country is politically and economically strong, it has a better bargaining position and can sell its viewpoint more effectively. This calls for crafting of national consensus on key issues of national security and foreign policy. These measures would enable the country to renegotiate the terms of engagement with the US. Pakistan's leadership must articulate the national policy with confidence and optimism. Pakistan has what it takes to be a respectable country in the comity of nations. What it needs the most is leadership and good governance to reflect the dynamism of the nation. History shows that crises bring out the best from states and societies. Let this crisis serve such a purpose in this case.
(Copyright Business Recorder, 2011)


Minister (2k+ posts)
Re: Reviewing terms of engagement - Article By Sahibzada Hussain Mohi-ud-Din Qadri

If 9/11 was turning point then abbotabad debacle is the U tern ... its not just about the relations between 2 countries but the way it was put up it shows the world and our army specially that america had enough of war and they are trying to just bring it to an end, finances can be said as one reason but the main thing is that it took them 10 years to realise that this war can last for even next 20 years with no result what so ever ... but there is one more thing which in the long run helped us with the course and that is Raymond Davis episode ... So we are on the right path and this reviewing is actually getting rid of the CIA's Hands and teeth.

Serving Islam

Politcal Worker (100+ posts)
Analyzing education system in Pakistan : Article By Hussain Mohi-ud-Din Qadri

By Hussain Mohi-ud-Din Qadri

According to an English language daily, Pakistan has been ranked last out of 14 Asian Pacific countries in a School Report Card investigating developing countries commitment to basic education. Pakistan received F grade, India E, Nepal F, Sri Lanka B, Bangladesh E, whereas the level of adult ILLITERACY in Pakistan, is 58.9 percent.
We spend less per pupil than most of our South Asian neighbors and charges user fees in full. Such low spending can only deliver pitiable results: two out of three Pakistani adults are illiterate, with the same proportion of secondary school age children out of school; four out of 10 children are missing primary school; and girls and women constitute a majority of those who are denied access to and an equal chance for complete basic education. In addition, Pakistans primary school teachers are overworked and under trained. In all aspects, there is clearly little quality and state action and commitment in the public education.
The scale of children missing out on access to basic education: 45.3 percent have no access to early childhood care and education: 40.3 percent to primary school, and 76.1 percent to secondary school. The level of adult illiteracy in Pakistan is one of the three highest in this report at 58.9 percent.
Pakistans favourable cost per pupil rating is offset by a poorly trained teacher per pupil ration (51 pupils to every trained teacher) perhaps indicating that investments in education should be spent more judiciously on quality learning inputs such as teachers training or in mobilizing female teachers. On gender equality, Pakistan ranks 13th, with 20 percent marks. Malaysia and Sri Lanka tie for the first place on this count.
Another problem of our education system is the existence of multiple languages of Instructions in the country. All the nations who developed and progressed taught and educated their people in their native language. Germany, France, Italy, Japan, China and many other nations are relevant examples in this regard. In Pakistan, we are so much inspired/impressed by Britain that we have imposed English as the mode of instruction at most of the educational institutions. Being an international language, English is a necessity today. So we cannot ignore the importance of the English language and should embed it as a foreign language from class one till Masters. But we must focus our attention on increasing the prospects of our children learning fast through the introduction of national language as the main medium of instructions at the initial level. Enough research is available to prove the point that the children are more receptive to new ideas if those are imparted in the local language they are most familiar with.
The educational system in Pakistan is divided into five major levels. The pre-university education consists of four levels: the primary level (grades one to five), the middle level (grades six to eight), the high level (grades nine and ten, culminating in matriculation), and the intermediate level (grades eleven and twelve, leading to a diploma in arts or science). There is also a university level, which leads to undergraduate and graduate degrees.
The Pakistani educational system is highly centralized. The Ministry of Education is in charge of coordinating all institutions involved in academic and technical education, up to the intermediate level. For education programs above that level, there is a government-designated university in each of four Pakistani provinces of Sind, Punjab, Baluchistan, and the North West Frontier. These universities are responsible for coordinating instructions and examinations of all post-secondary institutions in their respective province. Apart from the Ministry of Education, other ministries may oversee certain degree programs of relevance to their activities.
Private and nonprofit schools and universities have begun to appear in Pakistan. These include the Lahore University of Management Sciences and the Aga Khan Medical University in Karachi. As privately funded universities, they provide an opportunity for higher education for a small percentage of people who do not have a chance to pursue their studies at publicly funded universities, which have limited annual admissions.
Despite the intentions of the Pakistani government, the educational system has failed to eradicate illiteracy in the post-independence era. It has also failed to train an adequate number of professionals to meet the needs of the country in different fields, which has been a major hindrance to the nation's economic development. The government-implemented reforms of the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s did not address these deficiencies. By and large, they focused on replacing English, the colonial language of education with Urdu, the language of most Pakistanis. The reforms of the 1970s also led to the nationalization of schools.
Facing the continued shortcomings of the educational system, the Pakistani government implemented new reforms in the late 1980s and early 1990s. These took the form of three major initiatives. The government privatized the schools nationalized in the 1970s. It also reversed the process of promoting Urdu as the language of education and encouraged a return to English language in the elite private schools.
Finally, the government emphasized Pakistani studies and Islamic studies as two major fields in the curriculum. This was a shift from colonial education's emphasis on British history and English culture and literature.
The reforms of the post-independence era have improved the educational system and increased the number of literate Pakistanis, but there are still basic shortcomings. Educational funding is low, and there is little political will to make improvements. For example, in the 19992000 school-year, the government spending on education was about $1.8 billion, equal to 2.1 percent of Pakistan's gross national product (GNP). This amount represents a decrease from the period 19951997, when government expenditure on education equaled 2.7 percent of GNP, which itself was an insignificant figure for a country of approximately 144 million (2001 estimate), whose population is increasing at the annual rate of 2.4 percent.
Pakistan's expenditure on education is even significantly lower than that of India, a nation more or less at the same developmental level, with a much larger population and a heavier financial burden. During the period 19951997, India's expenditure on education was 3.2 percent of its GNP. In short, Pakistan's expenditure on education is not enough to meet the growing demand for educational services for the nation's increasing young population.
According to official statistics, the Pakistani literacy rate was 47 percent in 2000. This rate may be exaggerated, as the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) statistics for 1998 suggest a literacy rate of 44 percent. According to the UNDP statistics for 1998, India's literacy rate was 55.7 percent, far above that of Pakistan.
The Pakistani educational system has demonstrated a discriminatory trend against women. This bias is evident in the pattern of literacy, which shows a strong correlation between gender and literacy rates. The illiteracy rate is very high among Pakistani women of all age groups. In 1998, the adult illiteracy rates were 42 percent for males and 71.1 percent for females. In the same year, the illiteracy rate for male youth and female youth was 25 and 53 percent, respectively. This gender-based discriminatory trend in education has contributed to the persistence of illiteracy and to a chronic shortage of educated people and has had a major impact on the continued underdevelopment of Pakistan.
(The writer is a PhD candidate currently based in Australia)