Good article on what if Partition had not happened

M Ali Khan

Minister (2k+ posts)


AP Unity dreams deferred Jinnah after being sworn in as Pakistan’s head of state on August 14, 1947


Counter-History

What If Attlee Hadn’t Partitioned India?

The biggest hypothetical question of the subcontinent


Zareer Masani



“Long years ago, we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially.” Imagine those famous words spoken “at the stroke of the midnight hour”, not by Jawaharlal Nehru as leader of a partitioned Indian republic, but by Mohammed Ali Jinnah as premier of a confederation of the whole subcontinent. The new state is an independent dominion, like Canada and Aus*tralia, with the British monarch as king-emperor. It has a weak central government and strong, autonomous provinces like undivided Punjab and Ben*gal. Its constitution is based on the British government’s Cabinet Mission Plan of 1946 and acc*epted by both the predominantly Hindu Congress and the separatist Muslim League.


To persuade Jinnah, already dying of tuberculosis, to abandon his largely tac*tical demand for Pakistan, an indep*e*ndent state carved out of India’s Muslim-majority provinces, Mahatma Gandhi has given him the premiership of a coalition government at the centre. Nehru, whose arrogance and insistence on the top job had alienated Jinnah, has been slapped down in a realignment of the Congress leadership: Gandhi joining forces with anti-Nehru conservatives like Sardar Patel and Chakravarty Rajagopalachari (Rajaji).

Nehru had been collaborating closely with Lord ‘Dickie’ Mountbatten, sent as viceroy by the new Labour government to “cut and run” as quickly as possible. But the Nehru-Mountbatten axis is seriously discredited by a scandal about Nehru’s affair with Lady Mountbatten, including insinuations that the bisexual ‘Dickie’ was a willing participant in a menage a trois.


Mountbatten is packed off home in disgrace, while his perspicacious predecessor, Lord Wavell, returns as viceroy, resuming negotiations for a more gradual transfer of power to a united subcontinent. This slowly results in a new national unity coalition between Jinnah and the Congress conservatives. With Jinnah as his Muslim prime minister, Rajaji, a Hindu Brahmin, in due course succeeds Wavell as the first Indian governor-general of the newly independent dominion.

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Night-stained dawn
Lord Mountbatten salutes the Indian flag at India Gate on August 15, 1947, as Nehru and Edwina look on




The evidence is that Partition was not inevitable but made so by Attlee’s compulsions and Nehru’s ambitions.









Hindu-Muslim tension, ratcheted up by the Pakistan demand and the Congress opposition to it, now subsides. Jinnah’s main powerbase, the influential Muslim minority of India’s central Hindi belt, is delighted with the new power-sharing deal. For them, Pakistan was always a tactical rather than a practical demand, because it would uproot them from their homes in a partitioned India. The two largest Muslim-majority provinces of Bengal and Punjab are equally pleased, bec*ause they remain undivided with powerful, devolved governments of their own.

A year later, Jinnah dies, and his successors as leaders of the Muslim League, lacking either his charisma or ambition, accept the role of second fiddle to the Congress. Gandhi’s gamble has paid off, and he lives happily on for another decade, instead of falling victim to a fanatical Hindu assassin.

Is this just a far-fetched, counterfactual scenario born of nostalgia and wishful thinking? Or could it have become a reality if the partnership of Clement Attlee, Lord Mountbatten and Nehru hadn’t rushed through a premature transfer of power to satisfy their own personal and ideological ambitions? The historical evidence suggests that there was no inevitability about Partition and that the key decisions were rather finely balanced.

It’s something of a myth that independence was won by direct action and that Partition was the inevitable price exacted by a colonial power determined to divide and rule. Effective independence was implicit in the constitutional reforms of the Raj in 1909 and 1919, well before Gandhi launched his civil disobedience movement. The Congress was knocking at an open door: the real point at issue was how to introduce parliamentary democracy in a subcontinent so diverse and largely illiterate.

The central problem with elected legislatures was to safeguard the interests of the Muslim minority, still rooted in its feudal past and fearful of domination by the more successful Hindu business and professional elites. The solution accepted by a reluctant Cong*ress was to have separate electorates for additional, reserved Muslim seats. What had still to be resolved was how to guarantee Muslim representation in newly devolved governments in the provinces and eventually at the Centre.

Matters came to a head with the new 1935 constitution, under which provincial elections were held on a greatly expanded franchise. In the United Provinces, the largest province, the Congress and the Muslim League contested in alliance against the loyalist Taluqdars’ party; while the Congress swept the “general” seats, the League won most of the seats reserved for Muslims.

The logical outcome was a Congress-League coalition government, but Nehru turned down the League’s coalition offer and the Congress formed a majoritarian government on its own, leaving the League in opposition. This was precisely the scenario that Muslims dreaded at the national level, if independence were to mean majority rule.





Some historians believe it was the arrogance of Congress leaders, especially Nehru, that made Jinnah a separatist.








The United Provinces fiasco of 1937 was a turning point in the radicalisation of the Muslim League and its very moderate, secular-minded leader, Jinnah. It’s hard to imagine a more unlikely founder of a theocratic Islamic state than this whisky-drinking, pork-eating barrister, a ‘Bombay Khoja’ with his London education and his immaculate suits, his love marriage to a glamorous Parsi socialite, and his disregard for Islamic rules. Way back in 1916, when the Congress and the Muslim League agreed on an anti-British pact, Jinnah, as its chief architect, was hailed as “the ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity”.

What turned this patriotic, pro-Congress Muslim into the sectarian separatist of the 1940s? Two of his recent biographers, Ayesha Jalal, a Pakistani-American academician, and Jaswant Singh, a former foreign minister of India, have converged on the same answer: the arrogance and intransigence of Congress leaders—Nehru in particular—and the pro-Nehru bias of the last viceroy, Lord Mountbatten. “Partition was the last thing Jinnah wanted,” says Jalal, and she agrees with Jaswant Singh that his demand for it was essentially a bargaining ploy.

The vague 1940 Muslim League resolution adopting the goal of Pakistan left wide open whether it would be a single or multiple entity, a sovereign state or an autonomous state within a state. Jalal emphasises that Jinnah’s two-nation theory was not a territorial concept, but a demand for parity between Hindus and Muslims. Most Muslims, after all, were minorities in Hindu-majority provinces, while the Muslim-majority provinces depended heavily on the commercial and professional skills of prosperous Hindu minorities.


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‘Wily Gandhi!’ The what-if game played by Gandhi, imagining Jinnah’s response. (Photograph by Getty Images, From Outlook 19 August 2013)

The Quit India movement of 1942 proved a spectacular own-goal for the Congress, because it landed most of its leaders and active cadres in jail for the rest of World War II, while Jinnah filled the political vacuum, dramatically expa*nding his power base across India’s diverse Muslim communities. At the end of the war, constitutional negotiations resumed under the viceroy, Field Marshal Lord Wavell, a remarkable soldier-statesman with long Indian experience. His objective was to transfer power to a united India and for Britain to stay long enough to broker a workable settlement.

But for the new Labour government headed by Attlee, the priority was a rapid exit, winding up an expensive empire that had long ceased to pay for its keep. Attlee sent out the Cabinet Mission, which did its best to reconcile the Congress goal of a majoritarian, unitary state with the Muslim League demand for effective safeguards and full autonomy for Muslim-majority provinces. The outcome was an ingenious three-tier scheme in which sovereignty would be sha*red in a pyramid, with the provinces at its base, groups of provinces with either Hindu or Muslim majorities above them, and at the apex, an all-India centre for defence and foreign affairs.

This would have been a unique constitutional experiment, more akin to the present European Union than a nation-state, but well suited to India’s political diversity. Both, the Congress and the League, reluctantly accepted the plan, but then fell out over its interpretation.

“What the Cabinet Mission intended and the way we interpret what they inte*nded may not necessarily be the same,” Gandhi told the viceroy.

“This is lawyer’s talk,” said an exasperated Wavell. “Talk to me in plain Eng*lish. I am a simple soldier. You confuse me with these legalistic arguments.”

To this, Nehru quipped, “We cannot help it if we are lawyers.”

The coup de grace for the Cabinet Mission Plan was delivered by Nehru in July 1946, when he publicly announced that a new constituent assembly, which would obviously have a large Hindu majority, would modify the Plan as it pleased. The Muslim League promptly seized on this to back out as well, reiterating its demand for a separate Pakistan and launching “direct action” to achieve it.





Maulana Azad and Sardar Patel have faulted Nehru for impulsively dismissing the Cabinet Mission Plan.









Two of Nehru’s closest colleagues have laid the blame for this breakdown squarely at his door. Maulana Azad called Nehru’s statement “one of those unfortunate events which changed the course of history”, lamenting the fact that “he is at times apt to be carried away by his feelings”. Sardar Patel, too, criticised Nehru for acting “with childlike innocence, which puts us all in great difficulties quite unexpectedly”.

Nehru himself maintained that he had acted out of the conviction that partition was preferable to a loose federation. He wanted to be master in his own house, free to implement his socialist policies through centralised economic planning; and the Muslim League, in control of large, autonomous provinces, would have been an unwelcome brake on all this.

Most important of all was Nehru’s visceral hatred of Jinnah, recorded with brutal candour in his diaries: “Jinnah...offers an obvious example of an utter lack of the civilised mind. With all his cleverness and ability, he produces an impression on me of utter ignorance and lack of understanding.... Inst*in*ctively I think it is better to [have] Pakistan or almost anything, if only to keep Jinnah far away and not allow his muddled and arrogant head from interfering continually in India’s progress.”

Wavell, who was trying to bring both sides back to the negotiating table, lamented in his diary early in 1947: “There is no statesmanship or generosity in the Congress.” But Attlee decreed otherwise and summarily replaced Wavell with another, far more glamorous soldier-statesman. Earl Mount*batten of Burma came armed with the aura of his military victories, his royal lineage and his “progressive” politics. In what Churchill called “a premature, hurried scuttle”, Attlee announced that, regardless of a political settlement, Britain would quit India by June 1948.

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No Himalayan blunder then? Troops head for the border during 1962. How would a united India have played the great game? (Photograph by Corbis, From Outlook 19 August 2013)

Both Attlee’s deadline, and his choice of the man to implement it, proved disastrous. Mountbatten’s vanity was legendary. His chief concern on the eve of his departure for India was what he should wear on arrival. “They’re all a bit left wing, aren’t they?” he asked one India expert. “Hadn’t I better land in ordinary day clothes?” He was delighted to be told: “No, you are the last viceroy. You are a royal. You must wear your grandest uniform and all your decorations and be met in full panoply.”

Three months after his arrival, Mountbatten suddenly announced that he was bringing forward the British departure to August 15, 1947, and transferring power to two successor states carved out of Hindu and Muslim majority areas. “The date I chose came out of the blue,” he later boasted. “I chose it in reply to a question. I was determined to show I was master of the whole event.” He was even more cavalier at a public reception on the eve of Partition, saying that the best way to teach a youngster to cycle was to take him to the top of a hill, put him on the seat and push him down the hill—by the time he reached the bottom, he’d have learnt to cycle.

Rushing through Partition before the security forces were ready for it, Mountbatten made little attempt to explore the alternatives. In a meeting with the viceroy, Gandhi suggested that the existing interim government led by Nehru be dismissed and Jinnah invited to form a new one. “What would Mr Jinnah say to such a proposal?” Mountbatten asked in surprise. The reply was: “If you tell him I’m the author, he will reply, ‘Wily Gandhi!’” The viceroy made no attempt to follow up Gandhi’s wily offer, which might have changed the course of history by offering Jinnah an honourable retreat from Partition.





An unpartitioned India would have proved a stronger check to China, which may not have then expanded into Tibet.









A major reason for Mountbatten’s failure to conciliate Jinnah was his all too obvious intimacy with Nehru. Widely rumoured at the time, and now confirmed by the memoirs of his daughter, Mountbatten facilitated a love affair between his beautiful, wealthy and very independent wife and his handsome Congress premier. “She and Jawahar Lal are so sweet together,” he wrote to his elder daughter. “They really dote on each other.

Pammy (his younger daughter) and I are doing everything we can to be tactful and helpful.” While his daughter saw this as “a happy threesome”, the bazaar gossip was less charitable. There’s one account of a handful of love notes between Nehru and Edwina Mountbatten reaching Jinnah, who chivalrously returned them.

The most appropriate epitaph on the Raj was provided by the Punjabi official who declared: “You British believe in fair play. You have left India in the same condition of chaos as you found it.” As for Nehru, he first crowed about the mangled Muslim state that emerged from the cutting up of Punjab and Ben*gal, saying, “The truncated Pakistan that remains will hardly be a gift worth having.”

But a year later, he said, “Perhaps we acted wrongly.... The consequences of that partition have been so terrible that one is inclined to think that anything else would have been preferable.... Ultimately, I have no doubt that India and Pakistan will come close together...some kind of federal link.... There is no other way to peace. The alternative is...war.” Even as he spoke, the two new states were already at war over Kashmir.

For Jinnah, to get even a moth-eaten Pakistan was, as a leading imperial historian put it, “an amazing triumph, the outcome not of some ineluctable historic logic, but of the determination of a single individual”. It is sobering to consider what might have happened if Mountbatten, instead of bringing forward the date, had delayed it. Jinnah, already in the final stages of tuberculosis, died 13 months after partition.


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Two-way tragedy A train spilling with Muslim refugees readies to leave for Pakistan. (Photograph by AP)

The state he left behind was born to fail, and most Congress leaders expected that this malformed offspring would soon return, tail between its legs, to Mother India. It had virtually no industry, with the markets for its agricultural produce left behind in India; although it produced three-quarters of the world’s jute, the processing plants were all in India. The predominantly Hindu entrepreneurial classes had fled with their capital and expertise. The ruling elite of the Muslim League were mostly refugees from India and soon at odds with the predominantly Punjabi population they governed. The Bengali Muslims of East Pakistan had little in common with the western half, a thousand miles away.

Little wonder that Pakistan fell prey to a series of corrupt and repressive military and civilian regimes and that its eastern wing, after another bloody war and an estimated 3 million casualties, broke away in 1971 to become Bang*ladesh. After the Soviet invasion of neighbouring Afghanistan in 1979, Pakistan became the base for militant Islamists fighting the Russians, which further weakened its civil society and radicalised a younger generation that had already been incensed by India’s occupation of Muslim Kashmir.





One cause of Mountbatten’s failure to accommodate Jinnah was his and Edwina’s intimacy with Nehru.









The counterfactual story would have been far more positive. Granted, a united Indian federation, based on the Cabinet Mission Plan, would have had its share of friction and tensions; but, over time, the glue of shared power might have held the Congress and the Muslim League together, at least on issues of external security. India, without Nehru’s pro-Soviet brand of non-alignment, would probably have allied with the West and, like the Raj, would have seen Afghanistan as a vital buffer state from which the Russians must be excluded. Under Indian protection, Afghanistan would have remained a benevolent, westernising monarchy with little scope for the Taliban.

Without a hostile Pakistan on its borders, India would also have been far better able to check Communist China’s ambitions. The Raj had seen an independent Tibet as a necessary buffer against Chinese expansionism. “Rather than see a Chinese occupation of Tibet,” a British general had warned in 1946, “India should be prepared to occupy the plateau herself.” In 1959, a serious Indian ultimatum would probably have prevented China from occupying Tibet and ending its autonomy under the Dalai Lama. If so, India would have been spared military defeat in the disastrous 1962 Sino-Indian War, for which the Nehru government was so patently ill prepared.

A decentralised union of sovereign provinces would not have been any less efficient or productive than today’s India, with a weak, fragmented coalition at the centre, dominated by strong regional parties. Over time, the Hindu-Muslim religious divide would perhaps have faded, given the myriad ethnic, regional and linguistic identities that make up the Indian mosaic. The union would also have been cemented by rapid growth, as a dynamic private sector, unshackled by Nehru’s state socialism, outstripped the mini-tiger economies. Yes, a united subcontinent could have entered the 21st century as the world’s second largest economy, well ahead of China.


(Masani is a historian and a biographer of Indira Gandhi and Lord Macaulay.)

http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?287314
 
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K . Z

MPA (400+ posts)
اب اتنا طویل مضمون کیسے پڑھا جائے ؟ مہربانی ہوتی اگر اہم حصّوں کو نمایاں کر دیا جاتا
 

M Ali Khan

Minister (2k+ posts)
اب اتنا طویل مضمون کیسے پڑھا جائے ؟ مہربانی ہوتی اگر اہم حصّوں کو نمایاں کر دیا جاتا

yeh masla sirf aap ka nahin, pooray Pakistani awam ka hai.

har cheez ko columni khulasa mat banaiye

iss pooray ko parhna zaroori hai.
 

Believer12

Chief Minister (5k+ posts)
مضمون نگار متحدہ ھندوستان رھنے میں بھتری سمجھ رھا ھے اکانومی کے لحاظ سے بھی اور جغرافیای لحاظ سے بھی ایک ملک کو فائدے میں سمجھ رھا ھے۔
میرے خیال میں مضمون نگار اس وقت پیدا بھی نھین ھوا تھا جب اس دنیا کا ذھین ترین انسان اور مخلص ترین لیڈر قائداعظم کانگریس کے اندر رھتے ھوے ھندو ذھنیت کو لفظ لفظ پڑھ چکے تھے۔آپ کوی درمیانے درجے کے لیڈر نھیں تھے کہ اھمیت نہ ملنے پر اپنی علیحدہ جماعت بنا لی بلکہ آپ کانگریس کے صف اول کے لیڈر تھے اور بھت ھی زیرک اور ایجوکیٹڈ لیڈر تھے آپ سے تو وائسراے بھی بات کرتے وقت احتیاط کرتا تھا کہ کوی لفظ زائد نہ ادا ھوجاے۔ورنہ جناح پکڑ لیںگے۔
رائٹر نے چار کتابیں پرھ کر جو تجزیہ کر دیا ھے حالانکہ اس کو کانگریس کی لیڈرشپ سے کبھی واسطہ بھی نھیں پڑا ھوگا۔تاریخ کے اتنے بڑے بڑے فیصلوںکو غلط بنا دینا اتن اآسان نھین ھے یھی موقف علماے ھند کا بھی تھا کہ ھندوستان ایک رھے حالانکہ وھ بدنیتی سے صرف اپنے مفاد کیلیے ایسا کہہ رھے تھے مسلمانوں کیلیے نھیں۔
مضمون نگار اگر علامہ اقبال یا مولانا محمد علی جوھر کے پاے کا ھوتا تو ھم توجہ دیتے کیونکہ قائداعظم کے مقابلے میں وھ بصیرت کھاں سے آے جو ھندو کی لیڈرشپ کو اندر سے پڑھ چکے تھے۔اور سب کچھ سمجھنے کے بعد پھر علیحدھ ملک کا مطالبہ کیا
 

desicad

Chief Minister (5k+ posts)
@M Ali Khan........interesting read........so who is the main villain Jawahar or Louis?..........(bigsmile)
 

M Ali Khan

Minister (2k+ posts)
@M Ali Khan........interesting read........so who is the main villain Jawahar or Louis?..........(bigsmile)

The British. They left India in a hurry and it caused irreversible chaos.

Nehru being an a$$hole with Muslim League and Jinnah, and being obsessed with a strong central government, also didn't help.
 
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M Ali Khan

Minister (2k+ posts)
مضمون نگار متحدہ ھندوستان رھنے میں بھتری سمجھ رھا ھے اکانومی کے لحاظ سے بھی اور جغرافیای لحاظ سے بھی ایک ملک کو فائدے میں سمجھ رھا ھے۔
میرے خیال میں مضمون نگار اس وقت پیدا بھی نھین ھوا تھا جب اس دنیا کا ذھین ترین انسان اور مخلص ترین لیڈر قائداعظم کانگریس کے اندر رھتے ھوے ھندو ذھنیت کو لفظ لفظ پڑھ چکے تھے۔آپ کوی درمیانے درجے کے لیڈر نھیں تھے کہ اھمیت نہ ملنے پر اپنی علیحدہ جماعت بنا لی بلکہ آپ کانگریس کے صف اول کے لیڈر تھے اور بھت ھی زیرک اور ایجوکیٹڈ لیڈر تھے آپ سے تو وائسراے بھی بات کرتے وقت احتیاط کرتا تھا کہ کوی لفظ زائد نہ ادا ھوجاے۔ورنہ جناح پکڑ لیںگے۔
رائٹر نے چار کتابیں پرھ کر جو تجزیہ کر دیا ھے حالانکہ اس کو کانگریس کی لیڈرشپ سے کبھی واسطہ بھی نھیں پڑا ھوگا۔تاریخ کے اتنے بڑے بڑے فیصلوںکو غلط بنا دینا اتن اآسان نھین ھے یھی موقف علماے ھند کا بھی تھا کہ ھندوستان ایک رھے حالانکہ وھ بدنیتی سے صرف اپنے مفاد کیلیے ایسا کہہ رھے تھے مسلمانوں کیلیے نھیں۔
مضمون نگار اگر علامہ اقبال یا مولانا محمد علی جوھر کے پاے کا ھوتا تو ھم توجہ دیتے کیونکہ قائداعظم کے مقابلے میں وھ بصیرت کھاں سے آے جو ھندو کی لیڈرشپ کو اندر سے پڑھ چکے تھے۔اور سب کچھ سمجھنے کے بعد پھر علیحدھ ملک کا مطالبہ کیا

Bhai jaan, if people read history, they will understand that Partition could have been avoided as late as the Cabinet Mission Plan of 1946!

The Plan was to keep India as a loose federation with most authority lying with its provinces and the Centre having control of only economy, defence, and foreign affairs (a plan which Muslim League wanted to protect Muslim minority but opposed by the Congress as it wanted a strong central govt).

Muslim League had accepted the plan as the best possible compromise but Congress, esp. Nehru, rejected it because of his obsession with a strong central government that would make New Delhi the main decision maker in all national matters.

Congress rejection of Cabinet Mission Plan forced Jinnah to launch Direct Action Day, as Hindu-Muslim riots intensified, and Pakistan became more and more a reality. Nehru was happy to have partition just to get rid of Muslim League and Jinnah.

Jinnah did not want partition of either Punjab or Bengal just to let you know. In fact he was even eager to support Suhrawardy's and Sarat Chandra Bose's idea of a United Socialist Republic of Bengal.
 

desicad

Chief Minister (5k+ posts)
The British. They left India in a hurry and it caused irreversible chaos.

Nehru being an a$$hole with Muslim League and Jinnah, and being obsessed with a strong central government, also didn't help.
I agree partially.......yes Nehru wanted a strong centre and he was not entirely wrong considering the diversity of the population he thought otherwise the loose federation would not survive for long.......jinnah was an equal a$$hole if not more as he played the religious card to achieve his political ambitions and not believing in the parliamentary democracy even though muslims were the biggest minority group among all the minorities.......both of them played the mind games thinking other would blink first and it reached a stage when there was no going back......
 
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zubair.maalick

MPA (400+ posts)
This is the problem with us .. we can't even read articles ... reading books is far far away .. and everybody see an 'intellectual' within himself .. what a pity .. height if ignorance
 

Believer12

Chief Minister (5k+ posts)
اگر قائداعظم اس وقت مدبرانہ قیادت کرتے ھوے پاکستان نہ بناتے تو اتنے بڑے ملک پر کنٹرول کسی کا نہ ھوتا اور ھندوستان پھر بھی ٹوٹ کر رھتا۔بلکہ مسلم اکثریتی علاقے جھاں آج پاکستان ھے دوسرے ملکوں جیسے افغانستان اور ایران ھے ان کے زیر تسلط چلے جاتے۔روس اپنے بھت بڑے حجم کی وجہ سے ٹوٹ گیا یوگو سلاویہ بھی اسی وجہ سے ٹوٹا
اگر قائداعظم پاکستان نہ بناتے تو ایک خون ریز جنگ سے یہ حصے علیحدھ ھو جاتے فساد اور انارکی پھیلتی اور افغان مھاجرین کی طرح ھم بھی در بدر ٹھوکریں کھاتے پھرتے۔چند کتابیں پڑھ کر قائداعظم کو غلط قرار نھیں دیا جا سکتا ان کا فیصلہ بھت ھی اعلی اور بصیرت پر مبنی تھا
رھی بات اکانومی اور تعلیم کی تو ان دونوں باتوں میں مسلمان ھندو سے بھت پیچھے تھے اور آج بھی ھندوستان کے مسلمان پیچھے ھی ھیں اس لیے قائداعظم نے مسلمانوں کی ان دونوں شعبوں میں برتری دلانے کیلیے علیحدھ ریاست کا سوچا تھا۔
 

A.G.Uddin

Minister (2k+ posts)
I don't wanna debate whether partition was good for Muslims but in reality extremist groups like RSS and Arya Samaj showed their fangs way before 1940s. I once watched the movie Hey Ramm produced by Kamal Haasan and there this Hindu character in South India was saying that Radcliffe did a great thing, poora cancer se sada hua hissa kaatkar alag kardiya, so I assume that there were many Islamophobes who wanted to get rid off Muslims ASAP. Plus Congress and Muslim League were not the only two parties in Pakistan, there were religious groups and organizations too such as Hindu Mahasabha, Jamat e Islami, Jamiat e Ulema e Hind, Socialist parties as the ones belonging to Bhagat Singh, and Khaksar Tehreek. Not to forget Muslim modernists too such as Ghulam Ahmed Pervaiz (whose name has been censored in our textbooks), Abdullah Chakralvi, Syed Ameer Ali, Obaidullah Sindhi and Inayatullah Mashriqi. And after looking at the history of Congress and what would happen to Muslim League after creation of Pakistan, it's hardly a guess that we can't call any leader an angel or a 100% devil. Congress claims to liberate India but they just claimed the Halwa after many freedom fighters and revolutionaries who were not a part of them, from various religious backgrounds, would lay down their lives.
 

A.G.Uddin

Minister (2k+ posts)
Ab jo hone wala hai us per bhi dhayan dena zaroori hai. Narendra Modi is about to become a PM in India and there's no stopping for him. Hamid Karzai ne Durand Line ko maanne se inkar kardiya hai. 2014 mein Afghanistan aur India donu mein elections hain. BLA ko USA ka ashirwad hasil hai aur who chahte hain key Iran ke Sistan province aur Southern Afghanistan ke Baloch dominated areas se lekar Gwadar aur shayad Karachi ke West tak apna jhanda lehrayein. Nawaz Sharif ek ghatya aur incompetent aadmi sabit hochuka hai.....Darr hai key yeh BLA, Afghans aur Modi humein cake ki tarah baant na dalein. What USA and allies did in Libya, Iraq and Yugoslavia is for everyone to see aur USA China ka Arabian Sea tak access rookne keliye USA Pakistan ko ghaeb karna chahega. Mujhe darr hai key Kayani, Fakhru aur CJP ka evil triangle aakhri keel thoonk kar gaya hai, bus Imran Khan se kuch umeedein hain, baqi hai kaun?