Punks break Myanmar's silence on religious attacks

M Ali Khan

Minister (2k+ posts)
www.thehindu.com/news/international...ious-attacks/article4991824.ece?homepage=true

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AP Kyaw Kyaw, lead singer of punk rock band Rebel Riot, rehearses with his group members in a Yangon studio, Myanmar.




Punk rockers draw double-takes as they dart through traffic, but its not just the pink hair, leather jackets or skull tattoos that make these 20-somethings rebels- Its their willingness to speak out against Buddhist monks instigating violence against Muslims while others in Myanmar are silent.


If they were real monks, Id be quiet, but they arent, says Kyaw Kyaw, lead singer of Rebel Riot, as his drummer knocks out the beat for a new song slamming religious hypocrisy and an anti-Muslim movement known as 969. They are nationalists, fascists. No one wants to hear it, but its true.


Radical monks are at the forefront of a bloody campaign against Muslims, and few in this predominantly Buddhist nation of 60 million people are willing to speak against them. For many, being Buddhist is an important part of being Burmese, and monks, the most venerable members of society, are beyond reproach. Others are simply in denial, or buy into claims the Muslim outsiders pose a threat to their culture and traditions.
(reminds me of Pakistani society's mentality towards TTP and jihadis as being 'yahoodi agents' rather than home-grown terrorists)


The silence is as dangerous as the mobs razing mosques and cheering as Muslims are hunted down and beaten to death with chains and metal pipes, says Michael Salberg, director of international affairs at the U.S.-based Anti-Defamation League.


Its not perpetrators that are the problem here, he says, pointing to conditions that paved the way for the Holocaust in Germany and the genocide in Rwanda. Its the bystanders.


After half-century of harsh military rule, a quasi-civilian government installed two years ago has implemented sweeping reforms, releasing pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest, relaxing restrictions against peaceful assembly, opening up the media and throwing away the censors pen.


The same freedoms have also given voice to monks like Wirathu, a charismatic speaker and supporter of 969. His following is growing as he criss-crosses the country calling for boycotts of Muslim-owned shops and a ban on marriages between Buddhist women and Muslim men, and warning that a higher birth-rate could one day bring Muslims from 4 percent of the population to a majority.


All I can really say is, people should look at the teachings of Buddha and ask themselves, is this what he meant? says Ye Ngwe Soe, the 27-year-old frontman of No U Turn, the countrys most popular punk rock band. He wrote the song Human Wars after violence against Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine state started spilling into other regions. When I go to some urban areas, I hear talking about 969, hating Muslims, being violent. It shouldnt be this way.


But outside of a handful of monks and civil activists who have gotten together for interfaith dialogues, few are stepping up. Westerners working in Myanmar are often surprised when their otherwise progressive Burmese subordinates softly defend the monks or say nothing when discussions turn to religious violence.


Im sure a lot of them think this is total madness, but they dont dare to say that openly, says Bertil Lintner, a Swedish journalist who has written several books about Myanmar. If they do they will be attacked by these new nationalists, religious bigots, accused of being friends with Muslims... Its a very difficult situation.


Arker Kyaw, a 20-year-old graffiti artist bursting with an electric creativity, has several friends mostly musicians and DJs who are Muslims and was very upset about the violence that has wracked their communities in the last year.


But when asked if he isnt tempted to answer to 969 when he sees their stickers and signs on the walls of Yangon, he says- No. Its very complicated. On this one, I think its better to be the audience, not the show.


President Thein Sein, embraced by the U.S. and others for his reformminded agenda, banned an issue of Time magazine that splashed Wirathu on the cover and called him the face of Buddhist terror, and issued a statement saying he supports 969 and considers the extremist monk a son of Lord Buddha.


With national elections scheduled for 2015, opposition leader Suu Kyi has said nothing, worried, analysts say, there will be a backlash at the polls if she is perceived as anti-Buddhist.


That leaves the punk rockers, who know what its like to be outsiders.


During military rule, the tiny punk community practiced and performed in secret, often in abandoned buildings, by the railroad tracks or in private, before a small group of close friends. While others were cowed by the constant threat of arrest and imprisonment, they screamed out about abuses at the hands of the army and asked why politically-connected businessmen were getting rich while everyone else suffered.


Today they have a new battleground, religious intolerance. And they arent about to shy away.


Kyaw Kyaw of Rebel Riot likes to say that while he cant change the world, or Myanmar, or even Yangon, he can at least influence those around him.


They can arrest us, we dont care, says this 26-year-old son of a police officer. Or we can be attacked by certain groups. We dont care, weve prepared ourselves for this mentally. But we want to speak our minds.
 

M Ali Khan

Minister (2k+ posts)
http://thediplomat.com/2013/08/06/when-buddhists-turn-nasty/


[h=1]When Buddhists Turn Nasty[/h]

August 06, 2013
[h=2]By Charu Lata Hogg[/h]


Muslims face violence in Burma and Sri Lanka. Charu Lata Hogg asks why.

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As a religion synonymous with compassion and defined by non-violence, Buddhism has always been seen as a gentle way of life. It is for this reason that developments in Burma and Sri Lanka appear all the more mystifying.


Since mid-2012 in Burma, a country which is slowly liberalizing after decades of military rule, there are credible charges that rampaging Buddhists have killed more than 200 Muslims and forcibly evicted over 100,000.


Nearly a thousand miles away, in Sri Lanka, which four years ago witnessed a gruesome end to a 26-year conflict between the government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, Buddhist mobs recently set fire to a Muslim-owned shop and a militant group known as the Bodu Bala Sena (the Buddhist Brigade) came up with strident anti-Muslim slogans.


Attacks on a perceived or real Islamist militant threat are common throughout Asia. But what is bewildering in these two countries is that neither is facing a radicalized Muslim population. Muslims in Sri Lanka and Burma are a peaceful, small minority, in the main removed from national politics.


In Burma’s Arakan state, local Buddhists have long resented the one million stateless Muslims known as Rohingya, whom they view as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. Since June 2012, clashes with the Rohingya in western Burma agitated the Buddhist community and appear to have played a role in later outbreaks of violence.


In Sri Lanka, throughout the armed conflict between the Tamil Tigers and the government, the island’s Muslims, though Tamil-speaking, supported the government. This was in part a result of thousands of Muslims being ejected from Jaffna by the Tamil Tigers in the early 1990s.

During the course of the conflict, the government wooed the island’s Muslims, with members of this community rising to prominent bureaucratic positions and able to control trade, particularly in eastern Sri Lanka.


What then turned Buddhists in both countries against Muslims? Simply speaking, the end of the civil war in Sri Lanka and the opening up of Burma from decades of authoritarianism created the space for new social fissures.


With the defeat of the Tamil Tigers and the subsequent political subjugation of the Tamil community, a dominant section of the majority Sinhalese Buddhist community in Sri Lanka stood in danger of losing the unity it had sustained by building its identity in opposition to a smaller, ethnic group.

The Sinhalese Buddhists therefore needed to create and sustain another weaker group of ‘others’. Buddhists have since led a public outcry on halal slaughter and the size of Muslim families and called for a boycott of Muslim businesses.


The Burmese situation is more serious. The origins of the anti-Muslim “969 campaign” in Burma which encourages Buddhists to boycott Muslim shops and shun inter-faith marriages, are hazy but Ashin Wirathu, one of its leaders, argues that they are merely encouraging Buddhists to fervently practise and defend their religion against the rising strength of Islam.

Wirathu, who was jailed for eight years by the military regime for anti-Muslim rhetoric, has denied any role in the recent killings of Muslims but his vituperative sermons, according to critics, have played a role in inspiring violence.

While the continuing presence of the Rohingya community has been the trigger for most recent violence, the anxiety about demographic pressures is only the tip of the iceberg.


The uncomfortable truth behind these developments is that Buddhism and nationalism have historically been intertwined in both countries. Burma and Sri Lanka are both struggling to build a democratic nation and to define the role of religion in this process. Both governments are yet to deliver governance, the rule of law or power to their people; and in both countries a religious minority is being used as a target to vent the frustrated aspirations of the majorities.


Defining the role of religion in either country is not going to be straightforward given the legacy of Buddhist monks in politics. The 2nd century chronicle of King Dutugamunu’s defeat of a non-Buddhist king in Sri Lanka with the help of Buddhist monks, and the role of Burmese monks in the embryonic independence movement against British colonialism in the 1930s, have perpetuated the perception in both countries that Buddhism is integral to their national identity.


In 2007, Buddhist monks challenged the military regime in Burma and marched for democracy. Will the official council of higher-ranking monks in Burma now raise its voice against the senseless violence and start to wield greater moral authority?



Charu Lata Hogg is an Associate Fellow with the Chatham House Asia Programme. This article originally appeared in
The World Today, Chatham House’s bi-monthly magazine.