Anyone who supports these PPP and PML-N should be hanged . Clearly they have no idea what economics means and how a country is run.
Since Hafeez Sheikh had to deliver his budget speech from the parliamentary snake pit, he had to take the sting out of his words. –File Photo

Since Hafeez Sheikh had to deliver his budget speech from the parliamentary snake pit, he had to take the sting out of his words. –File Photo
In time, these will be known as the lost years. Hidden among esoteric terms like ‘resource mobilisation’, ‘fiscal consolidation’ and ‘macroeconomic stabilisation’ is a simple, but scary fact: there is no political will to pull the country out of the economic crisis.
Hand on his heart, Hafeez Sheikh knows this. As do the authors of the Economic Survey. To their credit, they’ve all but said so in various ways. The Survey is actually quite blunt, perhaps because the authors knew that few politicians would bother to read even the executive summary. (It’s 10 pages of easy-to-understand, hard-to-stomach facts.)
An excerpt: “… without a resolution of Pakistan’s perennial structural challenges, such as raising the level of domestic resource mobilisation or promoting higher productivity in the economy, growth and investment will continue to be constrained, and the growth prospects volatile.”
Translation: Pakistan’s history of yo-yo growth — boom and bust — will continue if the government does not act now, except in future the troughs may be deeper and longer.
Hafeez Sheikh was also forthright, but since he had to deliver his budget speech from the parliamentary snake pit, he had to take the sting out of his words:
“Pakistan’s public-sector enterprises are inefficient and have very poor management, generating huge losses which are then passed on to the economy and the budget. Power-sector enterprises alone cost the exchequer around Rs180bn in FY2009-10 while Railways, PIA, TCP, Passco, Steel Mills, NHA and Utility Stores add an additional Rs65bn…. Not dealing with this issue makes our entire budgetary process and expenditure control unmanageable. It also leaves no room for development expenditure.”
Translation: public-sector enterprises are a time bomb in the belly of the mother ship, the federal government; do nothing to reform them, and we’ll all go down.
Since his political bosses care little about Rs250bn budgetary holes, Sheikh had to stick to the usual vague pledge to ‘restructure’ PSEs on an ‘urgent basis’.
(Thus far the government has actually done the opposite, saddling already inefficient PSEs with thousands of more employees in the hope of convincing voters it cares about workers. By playing politics and ‘saving’ some jobs, the government is in fact jeopardising the jobs of the workers who are really needed — an imploding business has little use of any worker.)
The laconic finance minister did though manage a dig at one of the state’s chief tormentors. When Sheikh promised that inefficient PSEs would no longer get state money, everyone including Raja Pervez Ashraf, thumped their desks, prompting Sheikh to wryly observe that Ashraf was clapping the most enthusiastically. Ashraf, of course, is the man responsible for the sector that has hoovered up Rs180bn of public money in the last year alone.
Yet, in the upside-down scheme of things that is Pakistan, it’s men like Ashraf and not Sheikh who ultimately call the shots. And anywhere you go in Islamabad, you hear the same thing about the men who are calling the shots: do they even get it?Some, rightly, give the credit to the government for taking the politically unpopular step of telling Pakistanis they must pay something approaching the true cost of things like electricity. But there is an equally vital next-step, reforming the power sector so that a) there is more electricity in the system and b) the electricity is produced at a cost that is objectively normal, as opposed to the Pakistani abnormal.
The real worry is that little has happened at the reform stage. How is it that electricity costs can go up by up to 60 per cent in a couple of years and yet the sector be faced with an unprecedented crisis in March-April? Peak summer months, OK, maybe that’s understandable; but post-spring? Even keeping hydel power at zero for those months, there ought to have been enough electricity in the system.
The answer lies in that vague term every Pakistani knows and wants but doesn’t know how to get: good governance. There are three stages in the electricity supply chain, generation, transmission and distribution. All Ashraf and his buddies have been interested in is the generation side of things, RPPs, IPPs and the like.
Yet, no serious study of the power sector has identified generation capacity constraints as the fundamental problem at present. Sure, we need to be able to produce more electricity going forward, but the crisis over the last few years has been more fiscal than physical. Circular debt, recovering dues from consumers, slashing ‘leakages’, poor fuel-mix choices, bad management, the list is endless. And the cost is staggering. The Economic Survey estimates the energy shortfall cost the country two per cent in GDP growth last year. Two per cent is the difference between abysmal and average.
But there was Ashraf during the budget speech, clapping loudly and smiling broadly. He’s a large part of the reason so many ask, do they even get it?
Ah, but we’ve seen this before, some argue dismissively. In the ’50s, in parts of the ’70s and the ’80s, during the ’90s, we’ve heard all the doom and gloom before. And yet, here we are. This too shall pass.Except it’s not quite like the past any longer. Pakistan’s problems are bigger than they’ve ever been. The debt is bigger, the expenses are higher, the costs are larger and the revenues are lower than they’ve possibly ever been.
For decades there was a silver lining in Pakistan’s economic problems: we were a rounding error on the balance sheets of the big boys. A few billion sprinkled here, a few hundred million pumped there, and voila! The big boys didn’t blink, and our small base enabled fairly quick rebounds.
But now foreign bankers and ministers take a look at our numbers and go quiet. It’s not quite so easy anymore.
Bah! We have militants and nuclear weapons, don’t we? They won’t turn off the spigot as long as we have those, some argue.
Perhaps. But, as gently pointed out to me by a diplomat, there’s a difference between having militants and nuclear weapons and having militants with nuclear weapons.
That distinction is likely to be lost on people like Raja Pervez Ashraf. Which is why others are asking, do they even get it?
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http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect...r/columnists/cyril-almeida-the-lost-years-160
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