ConcernedPakistani
MPA (400+ posts)
Last edited:
Militancy in pakistan and its solution
- Thread starter ConcernedPakistani
- Start date
ConcernedPakistani
MPA (400+ posts)
Operation In N. Waziristan SOLUTION OR EVEN MORE DISASTER?
Pakistan torn over North Waziristan
By Syed Saleem Shahzad
ISLAMABAD - After a meeting in Islamabad on Wednesday in which two of United States President Barack Obama's senior intelligence aides briefed Pakistani officials on last month's failed car bombing in New York City's Times Square, a joint statement praised Pakistan's "excellent" cooperation in fighting terrorism.
A White House spokesman later said the Obama administration believed it was time to redouble efforts with Pakistan to close what he called "this safe haven", without being more specific.
He did not need to be. It is an open secret that the US wants Pakistan to launch a full-scale operation in the North Waziristan tribal area on the border with Afghanistan - something Islamabad is reluctant to do immediately - and is applying as much pressure as it possibly can.
United States National Security Adviser General James Jones and Central Intelligence Agency chief Leon Panetta met with, among others, President Asif Ali Zardari, Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani, Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi and chief of army staff General Parvez Kiani on Wednesday.
Jones and Panetta provided the Pakistani officials with an update on the investigation into the failed bombing on May 1 for which a Pakistani-American, Faisal Shahzad, has been charged. Shahzad, 30, has told investigators that he trained in North Waziristan.
Other than North Waziristan, Pakistan has mounted large-scale operations in the six remaining districts of the Federally Administrated Tribal Areas since 2008 - a 500-kilometer stretch of territory along Pakistan's western border with Afghanistan.
North Waziristan is the citadel of the Afghan resistance as well as home to al-Qaeda and linked militant groups. Washington is convinced that a successful operation in the area would have a decisive impact on the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's (NATO's) operations in Afghanistan.
Two attacks in the Afghan capital Kabul this week will make the US even more impatient.
Early on Wednesday morning, militants carrying rocket-propelled grenades and wearing suicide vests attacked the major US base at Bagram, north of Kabul. In the ensuing battle, 10 Taliban fighters were said to have been killed and at least five US soldiers wounded. The attack came a day after a suicide bomber targeted a NATO-led military convoy in Kabul, killing 12 civilians and six foreign troops. The Taliban claimed responsibility for both incidents.
In the hot seat
Kiani, as chief of army staff and with a close relationship with the US military, is feeling the heat. Before his meeting with the US officials he would have pored over the reports piled in the right upper draw of his desk in the garrison city of Rawalpindi, stubbing out half-smoked cigarettes, as is habit.
He will be aware that if Pakistan enters North Waziristan it would be a double-edged sword. It would scatter the militants and they would lose their vital bases, which would affect their capacity to plan and execute attacks in Afghanistan. However, the militants, numbering at least 50,000 from various groups, would spread across Pakistan and with their nexus of cells in southern Punjab and in the southern port city of Karachi they could cause havoc of a scale never before seen in the country.
Kiani has expressed his reservations over an attack in North Waziristan to visiting General Stanley McChrystal, the American commander in Afghanistan, and General David Petraeus, head of US Central Command.
Kiani is due to retire on November 27 this year, and Minister of Defense Chaudhary Ahmad Mukhtar has said that his term would not be extended (and that he did not desire one). In the meantime, a weakened Zardari administration is not in a position to act as a countervailing force against the Pakistan army. So Kiani's decision is crucial.
Before the arrival of the American officials this week, Kiani spoke to a gathering in Rawalpindi of corps commanders. He outlined some of the issues related to an operation in North Waziristan. Pakistan's economy is in a poor state and much-needed aid that the US has pledged is conditional on Islamabad's support to the American war efforts.
All the same, graphs presented showed that Pakistan's average annual gross domestic product growth in the past 60 years has been about 5%, except for 2006 and 2007 when it performed exceptionally well due to US aid packages. However, growth declined to 3.7% in 2008 and 2.7% in 2009, due in part to a higher number of militant attacks and despite aid packages.
A decision on North Waziristan could have been made easier if the militants had shown willingness for a ceasefire.
Therefore, in coordination with the Saudi Arabian government, early this year a delegation that included retired squadron leader Khalid Khawaja, a former Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) official, and Mahmood al-Samarai, was sent to North Waziristan to explore the opportunities of long-term peace with the militants.
Samarai, an Iraqi and a former Muslim Brotherhood member, was the senior-most person after Osama bin Laden who went to Afghanistan in the 1980s to fight against the Soviets and he still lives in the region. Samarai is also known to have contacts in the Saudi Embassy in Pakistan for making contact with al-Qaeda.
Khawaja and Samarai tested the waters in North Waziristan and after believing they had achieved satisfactory results they made another trip in March, taking with them Colonel Ameer Sultan Tarrar, another former ISI official who is known as Colonel Imam. He is also called the father of the Taliban. However, a little-known group calling itself the Asian Tigers abducted them. Khalid was killed this month on suspicion of being a spy while Colonel Imam is still being held by the group.
A member of an al-Qaeda-linked Pakistani group told Asia Times Online, "We appreciated that backchannel move [by Khawaja and Samarai]. All mujahideen groups were happy at the prospect of reconciliation. Nobody would have been happy fighting a war inside Pakistan, but the process was sabotaged by the Asian Tigers. Everybody here is convinced that they were used, either willingly or unknowingly, by foreign powers that want an operation in North Waziristan at all costs."
He added that a gesture to this effect had been conveyed to Islamabad, that is, nobody wants a war with Pakistan, and if it was forced on the militants in North Waziristan it "would be an unfortunate event and it would be fought unwillingly".
With the killing of two Italian soldiers in Herat in western Afghanistan on Monday, the death of NATO troops in Kabul on Tuesday and the attack on Bagram on Wednesday, the Taliban's spring offensive is well underway. This comes just 10 days before a peace jirga (council) in Kabul, sending a strong signal that there is little prospect of any political process emerging that could tame the Taliban-led insurgency.
The race of vital strategic interests from Kabul to Islamabad is entering its final phase, and nobody aims to lose. Kiani and his commanders want to buy time over North Waziristan, as do the militants, while the Americans want action - now. Something will have to give.
Syed Saleem Shahzad is Asia Times Online's Pakistan Bureau Chief. He can be reached at [email protected]
Pakistan torn over North Waziristan
By Syed Saleem Shahzad
ISLAMABAD - After a meeting in Islamabad on Wednesday in which two of United States President Barack Obama's senior intelligence aides briefed Pakistani officials on last month's failed car bombing in New York City's Times Square, a joint statement praised Pakistan's "excellent" cooperation in fighting terrorism.
A White House spokesman later said the Obama administration believed it was time to redouble efforts with Pakistan to close what he called "this safe haven", without being more specific.
He did not need to be. It is an open secret that the US wants Pakistan to launch a full-scale operation in the North Waziristan tribal area on the border with Afghanistan - something Islamabad is reluctant to do immediately - and is applying as much pressure as it possibly can.
United States National Security Adviser General James Jones and Central Intelligence Agency chief Leon Panetta met with, among others, President Asif Ali Zardari, Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani, Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi and chief of army staff General Parvez Kiani on Wednesday.
Jones and Panetta provided the Pakistani officials with an update on the investigation into the failed bombing on May 1 for which a Pakistani-American, Faisal Shahzad, has been charged. Shahzad, 30, has told investigators that he trained in North Waziristan.
Other than North Waziristan, Pakistan has mounted large-scale operations in the six remaining districts of the Federally Administrated Tribal Areas since 2008 - a 500-kilometer stretch of territory along Pakistan's western border with Afghanistan.
North Waziristan is the citadel of the Afghan resistance as well as home to al-Qaeda and linked militant groups. Washington is convinced that a successful operation in the area would have a decisive impact on the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's (NATO's) operations in Afghanistan.
Two attacks in the Afghan capital Kabul this week will make the US even more impatient.
Early on Wednesday morning, militants carrying rocket-propelled grenades and wearing suicide vests attacked the major US base at Bagram, north of Kabul. In the ensuing battle, 10 Taliban fighters were said to have been killed and at least five US soldiers wounded. The attack came a day after a suicide bomber targeted a NATO-led military convoy in Kabul, killing 12 civilians and six foreign troops. The Taliban claimed responsibility for both incidents.
In the hot seat
Kiani, as chief of army staff and with a close relationship with the US military, is feeling the heat. Before his meeting with the US officials he would have pored over the reports piled in the right upper draw of his desk in the garrison city of Rawalpindi, stubbing out half-smoked cigarettes, as is habit.
He will be aware that if Pakistan enters North Waziristan it would be a double-edged sword. It would scatter the militants and they would lose their vital bases, which would affect their capacity to plan and execute attacks in Afghanistan. However, the militants, numbering at least 50,000 from various groups, would spread across Pakistan and with their nexus of cells in southern Punjab and in the southern port city of Karachi they could cause havoc of a scale never before seen in the country.
Kiani has expressed his reservations over an attack in North Waziristan to visiting General Stanley McChrystal, the American commander in Afghanistan, and General David Petraeus, head of US Central Command.
Kiani is due to retire on November 27 this year, and Minister of Defense Chaudhary Ahmad Mukhtar has said that his term would not be extended (and that he did not desire one). In the meantime, a weakened Zardari administration is not in a position to act as a countervailing force against the Pakistan army. So Kiani's decision is crucial.
Before the arrival of the American officials this week, Kiani spoke to a gathering in Rawalpindi of corps commanders. He outlined some of the issues related to an operation in North Waziristan. Pakistan's economy is in a poor state and much-needed aid that the US has pledged is conditional on Islamabad's support to the American war efforts.
All the same, graphs presented showed that Pakistan's average annual gross domestic product growth in the past 60 years has been about 5%, except for 2006 and 2007 when it performed exceptionally well due to US aid packages. However, growth declined to 3.7% in 2008 and 2.7% in 2009, due in part to a higher number of militant attacks and despite aid packages.
A decision on North Waziristan could have been made easier if the militants had shown willingness for a ceasefire.
Therefore, in coordination with the Saudi Arabian government, early this year a delegation that included retired squadron leader Khalid Khawaja, a former Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) official, and Mahmood al-Samarai, was sent to North Waziristan to explore the opportunities of long-term peace with the militants.
Samarai, an Iraqi and a former Muslim Brotherhood member, was the senior-most person after Osama bin Laden who went to Afghanistan in the 1980s to fight against the Soviets and he still lives in the region. Samarai is also known to have contacts in the Saudi Embassy in Pakistan for making contact with al-Qaeda.
Khawaja and Samarai tested the waters in North Waziristan and after believing they had achieved satisfactory results they made another trip in March, taking with them Colonel Ameer Sultan Tarrar, another former ISI official who is known as Colonel Imam. He is also called the father of the Taliban. However, a little-known group calling itself the Asian Tigers abducted them. Khalid was killed this month on suspicion of being a spy while Colonel Imam is still being held by the group.
A member of an al-Qaeda-linked Pakistani group told Asia Times Online, "We appreciated that backchannel move [by Khawaja and Samarai]. All mujahideen groups were happy at the prospect of reconciliation. Nobody would have been happy fighting a war inside Pakistan, but the process was sabotaged by the Asian Tigers. Everybody here is convinced that they were used, either willingly or unknowingly, by foreign powers that want an operation in North Waziristan at all costs."
He added that a gesture to this effect had been conveyed to Islamabad, that is, nobody wants a war with Pakistan, and if it was forced on the militants in North Waziristan it "would be an unfortunate event and it would be fought unwillingly".
With the killing of two Italian soldiers in Herat in western Afghanistan on Monday, the death of NATO troops in Kabul on Tuesday and the attack on Bagram on Wednesday, the Taliban's spring offensive is well underway. This comes just 10 days before a peace jirga (council) in Kabul, sending a strong signal that there is little prospect of any political process emerging that could tame the Taliban-led insurgency.
The race of vital strategic interests from Kabul to Islamabad is entering its final phase, and nobody aims to lose. Kiani and his commanders want to buy time over North Waziristan, as do the militants, while the Americans want action - now. Something will have to give.
Syed Saleem Shahzad is Asia Times Online's Pakistan Bureau Chief. He can be reached at [email protected]
ConcernedPakistani
MPA (400+ posts)
North Waziristan: why only the military option?
Thursday, June 03, 2010
Ayaz Wazir
Only one telephone call knocked our valiant Commando down. Without seriously considering the long-term repercussions of his action on the country, or taking the nation into confidence, Musharraf chose to become a close ally of the US in its war. He brought to our doorstep the war which, obviously, was not ours. Since then we are paying for his sins. The civilian setup that succeeded him has not only owned but continued with gusto the fight to which there seems to be no end.
On its part, to cover its failures in Afghanistan, the US government has consistently continued to increase pressure on us to extend military action yet further within Pakistani territory, on one pretext or another. Although our rulers acted like the proverbial obedient servants and carried out every military demand made of us, often to utter disregard for life and the safety of our civilian populations, but they have failed to win the confidence or approval of their masters in Washington.
Drone attacks within Pakistani territory further complicated the situation. Initially we tried to cover up these attacks by claiming that our own forces hit the militants in these incidents. It did not take too long for the lie to be exposed. The government’s asking for drone technology to be transferred to Pakistan further exposed its connivance in these attacks.
Now even senior army generals are conceding on television talk shows that a number of our airbases have been handed over to the US for covert actions on our soil and our armed forces personnel are not permitted entry beyond the perimeters of these bases.
All hell broke loose, and the “good character certificate” we had earned after arresting Mullah Barader and other senior Taliban leaders was revoked when Faisal Shahzad, a naturalised American national, was arrested for an attempted car explosion at Times Square in New York. Reacting to the incident, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton used harsh and threatening language for Pakistan. This was the most humiliating and embarrassing moment for a close ally. Our sacrifices were forgotten in no time.
US security agencies, meanwhile, claimed to have established Faisal Shahzad’s links with Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) in North Waziristan. This lent further pressure to the existing demand to our government to launch a military operation there. Two senior officials of the US Homeland Security and the CIA visited Islamabad and held meetings with the president, the prime minister and the army chief to examine how best the security environment could be improved to stop the TTP from causing loss to life and property in the US. It is generally believed that the government has agreed to launch the operation, and is weighing options as to the timeframe of its launch.
Whether or not the military operation is launched, the question that comes to mind is: will that serve our national interests? Is a military operation the only option? Will that bring peace and stability to the area, and to the country as a whole? Will it stop the bleeding of the country’s resources in terms of men and material?
Have the military operations conducted in other parts of FATA achieved the desired results? If not, we have to take stock of the situation, and tell our friends that killing our own people on our own soil is not in our interest. If some of these people are misguided and do cross the border into Afghanistan to cause mayhem, then the NATO forces stationed there should take whatever action against the infiltrators they consider appropriate.
If the US drones can target wanted people on Pakistan’s soil in total disregard of our sovereignty, why do the Americans hesitate to take similar action when such elements cross the border into Afghanistan? We have rendered enough sacrifices. Both our armed forces and the civilian population have suffered a great deal, but that has hardly earned us any laurels from Washington.
People in the tribal areas have rendered the supreme sacrifice of abandoning from their hearths and homes for the success of military operations. They and their families suffered immensely as internally displaced persons wandering on roadsides and in camps in Peshawar, Dera Ismail Khan, Tank. Nobody paid any real attention to their plight. Their sacrifices earned them nothing but lip service from the government or its functionaries who would turn up only for photo-ops.
Other equally important questions that come to mind are whether the countless operations conducted so far in FATA have earned a place of honour for us with the West? Have they eliminated militancy from the area or, to the contrary, contributed to the spread of the menace deeper into other parts of the country? If the reply to these questions is in the negative, then we need to look at the problem afresh and redraw our parameters. We should formulate and follow a policy which is not only in line with but also reflective of the aspirations of the general public. Unless we do that, we will be fighting successful battles but not a successful war.
Again, an operation in North Waziristan will not be that easy. This will require additional troops and equipment from an already overstretched army. Will we still be able to maintain an effective vigil on our eastern border? Will we be able to contain the spread of this battle to the border with Afghanistan which the army has not touched in all the operations conducted in FATA so far. Also, will the army be able to prevent it from spreading to other areas inhabited by the Wazir tribe (South Waziristan, as well as those across the border in Afghanistan). If launched, the operation is likely to become a bushfire engulfing the entire region of the two Waziristans and across the Durand Line.
Where will the IDPs go? Bannu, which is in close proximity to the east, remains mostly under curfew. Adjacent is South Waziristan, where a military operation is underway in the Mehsud area. To its north is Kurram. Kurram is already suffering from sectarian violence which has caused the closure of the road link with the rest of the country. Its inhabitants travel to Peshawar via Kabul. Unless special arrangements are made to open the roads for traffic in those areas, which is unlikely in view of the operation, people will have no choice but to cross the border into Afghanistan and take refuge there. Will we be able to effectively counter enemy propaganda that the Pakistani army has made its own people refugees in another country? How will the international community react is another matter. I do not believe these repercussions have been taken into consideration.
We have not yet rehabilitated the IDPs of Bajaur and South Waziristan. They are braving the summer heat in camps with only the barest possible essentials at their disposal. The operation will not only increase the number of IDPs but will also uproot those displaced Mehsuds who had found some shelter in the Wazir areas of the two Waziristans.
How many times are we going to conquer Fata? Each tribal agency has experienced at least two military operations in the last nine years. The people are fed up and have no capacity or patience left for any more sacrifices. The treatment meted out to the tribesmen so far is certainly not commendable. There is every likelihood of the same treatment following a fresh operation.
Let us reconsider our policy options if we really want peace and harmony to return to the area.
The writer, a former ambassador, is from FATA.
Email: [email protected]
Thursday, June 03, 2010
Ayaz Wazir
Only one telephone call knocked our valiant Commando down. Without seriously considering the long-term repercussions of his action on the country, or taking the nation into confidence, Musharraf chose to become a close ally of the US in its war. He brought to our doorstep the war which, obviously, was not ours. Since then we are paying for his sins. The civilian setup that succeeded him has not only owned but continued with gusto the fight to which there seems to be no end.
On its part, to cover its failures in Afghanistan, the US government has consistently continued to increase pressure on us to extend military action yet further within Pakistani territory, on one pretext or another. Although our rulers acted like the proverbial obedient servants and carried out every military demand made of us, often to utter disregard for life and the safety of our civilian populations, but they have failed to win the confidence or approval of their masters in Washington.
Drone attacks within Pakistani territory further complicated the situation. Initially we tried to cover up these attacks by claiming that our own forces hit the militants in these incidents. It did not take too long for the lie to be exposed. The government’s asking for drone technology to be transferred to Pakistan further exposed its connivance in these attacks.
Now even senior army generals are conceding on television talk shows that a number of our airbases have been handed over to the US for covert actions on our soil and our armed forces personnel are not permitted entry beyond the perimeters of these bases.
All hell broke loose, and the “good character certificate” we had earned after arresting Mullah Barader and other senior Taliban leaders was revoked when Faisal Shahzad, a naturalised American national, was arrested for an attempted car explosion at Times Square in New York. Reacting to the incident, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton used harsh and threatening language for Pakistan. This was the most humiliating and embarrassing moment for a close ally. Our sacrifices were forgotten in no time.
US security agencies, meanwhile, claimed to have established Faisal Shahzad’s links with Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) in North Waziristan. This lent further pressure to the existing demand to our government to launch a military operation there. Two senior officials of the US Homeland Security and the CIA visited Islamabad and held meetings with the president, the prime minister and the army chief to examine how best the security environment could be improved to stop the TTP from causing loss to life and property in the US. It is generally believed that the government has agreed to launch the operation, and is weighing options as to the timeframe of its launch.
Whether or not the military operation is launched, the question that comes to mind is: will that serve our national interests? Is a military operation the only option? Will that bring peace and stability to the area, and to the country as a whole? Will it stop the bleeding of the country’s resources in terms of men and material?
Have the military operations conducted in other parts of FATA achieved the desired results? If not, we have to take stock of the situation, and tell our friends that killing our own people on our own soil is not in our interest. If some of these people are misguided and do cross the border into Afghanistan to cause mayhem, then the NATO forces stationed there should take whatever action against the infiltrators they consider appropriate.
If the US drones can target wanted people on Pakistan’s soil in total disregard of our sovereignty, why do the Americans hesitate to take similar action when such elements cross the border into Afghanistan? We have rendered enough sacrifices. Both our armed forces and the civilian population have suffered a great deal, but that has hardly earned us any laurels from Washington.
People in the tribal areas have rendered the supreme sacrifice of abandoning from their hearths and homes for the success of military operations. They and their families suffered immensely as internally displaced persons wandering on roadsides and in camps in Peshawar, Dera Ismail Khan, Tank. Nobody paid any real attention to their plight. Their sacrifices earned them nothing but lip service from the government or its functionaries who would turn up only for photo-ops.
Other equally important questions that come to mind are whether the countless operations conducted so far in FATA have earned a place of honour for us with the West? Have they eliminated militancy from the area or, to the contrary, contributed to the spread of the menace deeper into other parts of the country? If the reply to these questions is in the negative, then we need to look at the problem afresh and redraw our parameters. We should formulate and follow a policy which is not only in line with but also reflective of the aspirations of the general public. Unless we do that, we will be fighting successful battles but not a successful war.
Again, an operation in North Waziristan will not be that easy. This will require additional troops and equipment from an already overstretched army. Will we still be able to maintain an effective vigil on our eastern border? Will we be able to contain the spread of this battle to the border with Afghanistan which the army has not touched in all the operations conducted in FATA so far. Also, will the army be able to prevent it from spreading to other areas inhabited by the Wazir tribe (South Waziristan, as well as those across the border in Afghanistan). If launched, the operation is likely to become a bushfire engulfing the entire region of the two Waziristans and across the Durand Line.
Where will the IDPs go? Bannu, which is in close proximity to the east, remains mostly under curfew. Adjacent is South Waziristan, where a military operation is underway in the Mehsud area. To its north is Kurram. Kurram is already suffering from sectarian violence which has caused the closure of the road link with the rest of the country. Its inhabitants travel to Peshawar via Kabul. Unless special arrangements are made to open the roads for traffic in those areas, which is unlikely in view of the operation, people will have no choice but to cross the border into Afghanistan and take refuge there. Will we be able to effectively counter enemy propaganda that the Pakistani army has made its own people refugees in another country? How will the international community react is another matter. I do not believe these repercussions have been taken into consideration.
We have not yet rehabilitated the IDPs of Bajaur and South Waziristan. They are braving the summer heat in camps with only the barest possible essentials at their disposal. The operation will not only increase the number of IDPs but will also uproot those displaced Mehsuds who had found some shelter in the Wazir areas of the two Waziristans.
How many times are we going to conquer Fata? Each tribal agency has experienced at least two military operations in the last nine years. The people are fed up and have no capacity or patience left for any more sacrifices. The treatment meted out to the tribesmen so far is certainly not commendable. There is every likelihood of the same treatment following a fresh operation.
Let us reconsider our policy options if we really want peace and harmony to return to the area.
The writer, a former ambassador, is from FATA.
Email: [email protected]
ConcernedPakistani
MPA (400+ posts)
Who are the victors?
Rustam Shah Mohmand
May 21, 2010
The devastation could not be more heartbreaking. From one end to the other, the whole tribal area presents the spectacle of a war zone. Houses blown up, villages decimated, infrastructure no more.
Add Dir, Buner and Swat to that. Vast swaths are in ruins in Maidan, in the Dir region. Whole villages in Buner have disappeared. Matta and the adjoining areas in Swat present a picture of a powerful cyclone having devastated the whole area.
Between Khar and Nawagai, in what once was a most fertile area, villages on both sides of the road have been razed to the ground.
Many of the returning IDPs of Bajaur and Dir could not determine where their villages had once stood, to say nothing of their homes. They had to make return journeys to their camps.
In Qaudahari, in the Safi area of Mohmand, the situation is no better. The wreckage of a war is everywhere, with houses and villages having ceased to exist.
Bara, in Khyber Agency, an area once administered by an Assistant Political Agent, presents the picture of a ghost town.
Orakzai, once a most peaceful area, is a battle zone where on, an average, 20 people get killed in aerial bombing everyday. With tens of thousands of people having left, life has come to a standstill there. The relentless punishment, indiscriminate and merciless, continues with no regard to its horrendous implications.
As in other tribal areas, there is no definitive figure of the number of those killed or wounded in Kurram. But who would care? The “natives” deserve this fate.
Likewise, life remains paralysed in both Waziristans. Institutions are shut, public services suspended. Mobile telephone services have been discontinued. Bombing by helicopter-gunships is commonplace. As a matter of fact, it’s surprising if, on a particular day, bombs are not dropped and shells not fired. As elsewhere, it is innocent civilians, including women and children, who bear the brunt. People are weary of burying the dead and treating the wounded.
Life has almost come to a stop across the tribal area, and parts of Malakand Dir.
Movements are restricted. Every three miles there is a check post where passengers are ordered to disembark, to be searched and interrogated, before they are allowed go onwards, with the procedure repeated at the next stop.
Commodities of daily need are scarce. In an ironic twist, people in Mohmand, Kurram and Wazirstan are dependent for things like vegetables and cooking oil that are brought on mules from Afghanistan across the border, rather than the other way around in more peaceful times.
Women and children are most traumatised. Their lives have been permanently and irreversibly damaged. People live in constant fear of the security forces personnel knocking on their doors taking away adult males for “interrogation.” Many of these have not returned.
The whole area is virtually barricaded. Entry and exit points are under strict watch and control.
Why have people who have lived peacefully for generations been subjected to such humiliation, as well as being killed in such large numbers? Could there be other options? Had other options even been explored? And why were fighter-bombers, helicopter-gunships and heavy artillery made weapons of choice? And why did otherwise peaceful tribesmen turn against the government?
Some soul-searching and introspection must be done. Have we accomplished what we set out to achieve? For example, have state institutions begun to function properly and have people even remotely begun to live a normal life?
The embattled tribal areas will never be the same again. The institutions could never be revived to the point where they were before 2003-04.
Our aligning ourselves with the so-called war on terror was a disaster. To pursue that policy with ever greater use of force, with scant regard to the human toll it exacts, is a continuing catastrophe.
In terms of peace, in terms of stability and in terms of institutions, who are the victors?
The writer is a former ambassador.
Email: [email protected]
Rustam Shah Mohmand
May 21, 2010
The devastation could not be more heartbreaking. From one end to the other, the whole tribal area presents the spectacle of a war zone. Houses blown up, villages decimated, infrastructure no more.
Add Dir, Buner and Swat to that. Vast swaths are in ruins in Maidan, in the Dir region. Whole villages in Buner have disappeared. Matta and the adjoining areas in Swat present a picture of a powerful cyclone having devastated the whole area.
Between Khar and Nawagai, in what once was a most fertile area, villages on both sides of the road have been razed to the ground.
Many of the returning IDPs of Bajaur and Dir could not determine where their villages had once stood, to say nothing of their homes. They had to make return journeys to their camps.
In Qaudahari, in the Safi area of Mohmand, the situation is no better. The wreckage of a war is everywhere, with houses and villages having ceased to exist.
Bara, in Khyber Agency, an area once administered by an Assistant Political Agent, presents the picture of a ghost town.
Orakzai, once a most peaceful area, is a battle zone where on, an average, 20 people get killed in aerial bombing everyday. With tens of thousands of people having left, life has come to a standstill there. The relentless punishment, indiscriminate and merciless, continues with no regard to its horrendous implications.
As in other tribal areas, there is no definitive figure of the number of those killed or wounded in Kurram. But who would care? The “natives” deserve this fate.
Likewise, life remains paralysed in both Waziristans. Institutions are shut, public services suspended. Mobile telephone services have been discontinued. Bombing by helicopter-gunships is commonplace. As a matter of fact, it’s surprising if, on a particular day, bombs are not dropped and shells not fired. As elsewhere, it is innocent civilians, including women and children, who bear the brunt. People are weary of burying the dead and treating the wounded.
Life has almost come to a stop across the tribal area, and parts of Malakand Dir.
Movements are restricted. Every three miles there is a check post where passengers are ordered to disembark, to be searched and interrogated, before they are allowed go onwards, with the procedure repeated at the next stop.
Commodities of daily need are scarce. In an ironic twist, people in Mohmand, Kurram and Wazirstan are dependent for things like vegetables and cooking oil that are brought on mules from Afghanistan across the border, rather than the other way around in more peaceful times.
Women and children are most traumatised. Their lives have been permanently and irreversibly damaged. People live in constant fear of the security forces personnel knocking on their doors taking away adult males for “interrogation.” Many of these have not returned.
The whole area is virtually barricaded. Entry and exit points are under strict watch and control.
Why have people who have lived peacefully for generations been subjected to such humiliation, as well as being killed in such large numbers? Could there be other options? Had other options even been explored? And why were fighter-bombers, helicopter-gunships and heavy artillery made weapons of choice? And why did otherwise peaceful tribesmen turn against the government?
Some soul-searching and introspection must be done. Have we accomplished what we set out to achieve? For example, have state institutions begun to function properly and have people even remotely begun to live a normal life?
The embattled tribal areas will never be the same again. The institutions could never be revived to the point where they were before 2003-04.
Our aligning ourselves with the so-called war on terror was a disaster. To pursue that policy with ever greater use of force, with scant regard to the human toll it exacts, is a continuing catastrophe.
In terms of peace, in terms of stability and in terms of institutions, who are the victors?
The writer is a former ambassador.
Email: [email protected]
ConcernedPakistani
MPA (400+ posts)
Where is Pakistan going?
abduttawwab
MPA (400+ posts)
Here is the answer:
ConcernedPakistani
MPA (400+ posts)
There is no doubt that the writ of the government MUST be established. A ''proper'' Military Operation is not the solution however it doesnt mean that there should be no operation at all. An operation similar to the one conducted in Karachi is needed to bring peace in FATA and sort out the hardcore militants. In Karachi, the operation was led by the Police aided by Rangers (Paramilitary organization) and Intelligence agencies played a major role, hence peace was established. Similarly, in FATA an operation should be conducted led by police and mainly the Frontier Constabulary ( A Paramilitary law enforcement agency) , aided by the FC (Frontier Corps, again paramilitary) and intelligence agencies again should play a major role. All the hardcore militants should be brought to justice and peace should be restored. This should also be done in Punjab where ever and whenever it is required. In Panjab again, Panjab Police and Rangers are available with strong intelligence netwrok to sort this out.
ConcernedPakistani
MPA (400+ posts)
There is no doubt that militancy should be checked no matter where it is. Anywhere in Pakistan, where ever militancy is present, there should be an operation but not a ''proper'' Military operation. The way the current operations are being launched, its creating more and more problems by every passing day. An Operation should be launched like the Operation in Karachi. A ''proper'' Military Operation is not the solution however it doesnt mean that there should be no operation at all. An operation similar to the one conducted in Karachi is needed to bring peace in FATA and sort out the hardcore militants. In Karachi, the operation was led by the Police aided by Rangers (Paramilitary organization) and Intelligence agencies played a major role, hence peace was established. Similarly, in FATA an operation should be conducted led by police and mainly the Frontier Constabulary ( A Paramilitary law enforcement agency) , aided by the FC (Frontier Corps, again paramilitary) and intelligence agencies again should play a major role. All the hardcore militants should be brought to justice and peace should be restored. This should also be done in Punjab where ever and whenever it is required. In Panjab again, Panjab Police and Rangers are available with strong intelligence netwrok to sort this out. And such an operation should be launched immediatley to sort out the militant network.
ConcernedPakistani
MPA (400+ posts)
Pakistan needs to sort out the problems soon
ConcernedPakistani
MPA (400+ posts)
Everything is linked to the whole region and the situation is complex
Counter terrorism approaches need to well planned and well executed, the policy of reactionary military offensives are not likely to succeed in the long run as often we are merely treating the condition and not addressing the factors that contributed to that situation. Religious extremism is still rampant in our society and thus militants have abundant grounds to find new recruits. We need to identify the factors that promote violence and invest more in social reforms for if the needs of citizens are met they are less likely to be influenced by the propaganda.
multikalakhan
New Member
Please dont say that we dont know who these people are. This militancy was started by us in 1980s to push Russia out of Afghanistan, its very clear fact. Why we are fighting them now is confusing, I remember in the begining there were jirgas with those guys to have a peaceful solution (do we remember??) and one of the jirga was bombed by our own America..... I think it has a lot of clarifications in it.. Plus dont forget that we are getting billions of dollars also on account of this fight. My dears everything is very clear- The only thing is that we dont have courage. I dont blame leaders because it has been said that JAISAY AWAM WAISAY HUKMARAN (No deniel) please have a look in our own collar to find who is responsible...
ConcernedPakistani
MPA (400+ posts)
A Karachi style operation is needed.
ConcernedPakistani
MPA (400+ posts)
Anyone knows about qari Haneef ?
ConcernedPakistani
MPA (400+ posts)
Any comments about the above video?
YAHYA87
Senator (1k+ posts)
Its time for Pakistan to actually make a Policy of countering terrorism and militacy....What Pakistan is doing is going against the group having no caution and precautions of future so this could make pakistan's situation wore so its time to make a whole Policy of terrorism by sitting down in All Parties conference where every leader of Pakistan(Including Imran, Munawar etc) should give their suggestion which are REALISTIC and OBJECTIVE instead of EMOTIONAL and Built consensus for the Policy which could be use for getting rid of militancy from Pakistan because PRO OR ANTI TALIBAN BOTH KIND OF LEADERS ARE INTERESTED IN FUTURE OF PAKISTAN OR AT LEAST THEIR FUTURE IN PAKISTAN...
Tell them to become good Muslims and Momins and learn to fight against the evil in them first. Killing of even a single innocent human being is crime against humanity and a sin. Islam totally forbids this and considers it a sin to kill any one unless engaged in jihad against the enemies of Islam and Muslims in a combat. Even in an armed confrontation and combat, Muslims are forbidden to kill or attack the defenceless, children, women and old folks and even instructed to escort them to safety at your own peril. Muslims are also instructed to protect enemy properties, orchards, farms, fields, cattle, sheep and even tree if it surrendered.
Muslims must not use violence against the innocent of any sect or religious affiliation but invite them to '" Dawah" to the right path of Islam and its glorious teachings. True Muslims must convince the mushriks, deviants and misled people into Islam and Finality of Prophet Mohammed (SAW) by rightful argument and not by violence or force.
Islam, Jihad means struggle or strive but the struggle must be peaceful and never violent. I will tell my Muslim brothers and sisters that they can win hearts and minds of everybody in the world by spreading Islamic message of peace (AS-Salaam), love, harmony, hope and mercy by reflecting piety and righteousness in their deeds, The best in this world as well as in the Hereafter." Islam is all embracing mode of life; it is communal and prefers a socially pragmatic life and demands its adherents to worship collectively of one Allah (God). Islam lays emphasis on strictly personal responsibility and encourages development of an individual and yet asks all Muslim to invite all mankind to become one community. All believers become brothers and sisters without distinction of class, race, tongue or nationality and the only superiority, which it recognizes, is a personal one, based on the greater piety (Quran 49/13).
Muslims must not use violence against the innocent of any sect or religious affiliation but invite them to '" Dawah" to the right path of Islam and its glorious teachings. True Muslims must convince the mushriks, deviants and misled people into Islam and Finality of Prophet Mohammed (SAW) by rightful argument and not by violence or force.
Islam, Jihad means struggle or strive but the struggle must be peaceful and never violent. I will tell my Muslim brothers and sisters that they can win hearts and minds of everybody in the world by spreading Islamic message of peace (AS-Salaam), love, harmony, hope and mercy by reflecting piety and righteousness in their deeds, The best in this world as well as in the Hereafter." Islam is all embracing mode of life; it is communal and prefers a socially pragmatic life and demands its adherents to worship collectively of one Allah (God). Islam lays emphasis on strictly personal responsibility and encourages development of an individual and yet asks all Muslim to invite all mankind to become one community. All believers become brothers and sisters without distinction of class, race, tongue or nationality and the only superiority, which it recognizes, is a personal one, based on the greater piety (Quran 49/13).
