" Beginning Of The End" Mubarak's Wife And Son Flee !!!

canadian

Chief Minister (5k+ posts)
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'Beginning of the end' for Egypt's Mubarak as son and wife flee


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By Jijo Jacob | Embattled Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak's son, who has been widely seen as his successor, has fled the country, according to US-based Arabic website Akhbar al-Arab.
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REUTERS
Thousands of Egyptians demanded an end to President Hosni Mubarak's 30-year rule and clashed with police on Tuesday, in unprecedented protests inspired by the revolt that brought down Tunisia's president.







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Gamal Mubarak, the politician son of the 82-year-old president, fled along with his wife and daughter, several newspapers reported, citing the Akhbar al-Arab report, even as Egypt's 'day of rage' bloomed in fearsome fashion at Cairo's al-Tahrir square where more than 30,000 protesters bayed for the end of Mubarak's rule.


Earlier, unconfirmed reports said Mubarak's wife also fled to London on Tuesday as nationwide protests swelled and three people, including a police officer, were reportedly killed.
There were numerous reports on the Internet and from live bloggers that Gamal Mubarak and family hopped on to a private plane that took them to London, along with scores of baggages and luggages, reminiscent of the removal of the unpopular president in Tunisia earlier in the month.






Protests are not allowed in Egypt where a 30-year state of emergency was renewed for further two years recently. But president Mubarak's grip on power has faced intense challenge in recent years as a mosaic of disparate but powerful opposition forces appeared to make the final push for Mubarak's ouster.
The Islamic Brotherhood, which has been repressed all along the rule of Mubarak, has been the focal point of the opposition protests in Egypt. They have now been joined by armies of dissatisfied youths driven by the passsion to effect reforms. The simmering discontent snowballed into a coherent campaign when the former UN nuclear inspector Mohamed ElBaradei became the public face of the protest last year. He has made public his intent to contest the upcoming presidential election and stood up against human rights violations in the country.
On Tuesday, the nation-wide protests became a tidal wave as supporters of the '6 April' movement and activists from al-Ghad and al-Wafd parties joined hands with the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood. Though reports showed the participation of the Brotherhood in Tuesdays protests was lackadaisical, the government blamed the Brotherhood for fomenting violence.
Analysts believe that the chances of the Egyptian unrest assuming more threatening shape in the coming days are high. The ouster of unpopular president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali in Tunisia instigated a vehement Internet campaign in Egypt giving hope to tens of thousands of protesters that hated dynastic regimes can be overthrown.
"While all Arab governments are shaking, and think tanks are giving advice to their governments on how to suffocate similar movements in their own societies, the Arab people has already declared that the Tunisian revolt represents hope, and saluted it as an example for them," Abdul Ilah Albayaty, an Iraqi political analyst, Hana Al Bayaty, an author and political activist and Ian Douglas, a lecturer in politics, wrote in Global Research last week.
They said the similarities between Egypt and Tunisia are numerous and hard to miss. ""How can Tunisia not influence other Arab countries, while all these countries belong to one Arab nation, which was originally divided by colonial forces into separated states?(http://www.ibtimes.com/articles/105...-for-egypt-s-mubarak-as-son-and-wife-flee.htm)
 

Bilal_Mushi

Minister (2k+ posts)
People of Egypt themselves should decide their fate: US

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People of Egypt themselves should decide their fate: US
United States has demanded free and fair election in Egypt adding that US want people of Egypt themselves should decide about their fate.
White has quoted Obama saying that change in regime should be according to the wishes of Egyptian people. US has also announced reducing its diplomatic staff in Egypt. Secretary of State Hilary Clinton said that no decision to curtail aid to Egypt has been made. US also said Hosni Mubarak did not take enough measures to address people’s problems.
Fighter Jets are conducting low altitude flights over the Egyptian capital. More army contingents have been sent to al-Tehrir Square in Egypt.
However, Hosni Mubarak has held meetings with high military officials while opposition in Egypt has given mandate to El-Baradei to hold talks with government.
 

Bilal_Mushi

Minister (2k+ posts)
U.S. role in Egypt crisis "shameful"-Chavez
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Updated on: Monday, January 31, 2011 4:45:41 AM
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CARACAS: Venezuela's firebrand leader Hugo Chavez accused the United States on Sunday of a "shameful" role in the Egyptian crisis and of hypocrisy for supporting, then abandoning strongmen round the world.
Chavez, Washington's leading critic in the Americas, said he had spoken to Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi and Syria's President Bashar al-Assad for a briefing on the protests in Egypt and elsewhere in the Arab world.
"In Egypt, the situation is complicated, Chavez said.
"Now you are seeing comments from Washington and some European nations. As President Gaddafi said to me, it's shameful; it makes you kind of sick to see the meddling of the U.S., wanting to take control."
The United States has urged an orderly transition to democracy in Egypt to avoid a power vacuum but has stopped short of calling on President Hosni Mubarak, an ally of three decades, to step down.
The socialist Chavez has generally cast himself as pro-Arab and opposed to the policies of Israel and the United States.
But in brief comments carried on state TV, he avoided any further specific comment on Egypt, saying only that "national sovereignty" should be respected.
Chavez scoffed at what he said was the United States' chameleon-like foreign policy.
"See how the United States, after using such-and-such a president for years, as soon as he hits a crisis, they abandon him. That's how the devil pays," he said.
"They didn't even give a visa or anything to the president of Tunisia," he said, referring to President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali, who lost power this month after failing to quell the worst unrest of his two-decade rule.
Washington and other Western powers have been caught off guard by the popular uprising on Arab streets after long relying on autocratic regional rulers as a bulwark against Islamic extremism.
Chavez spoke after inspecting an army ammunitions depot where predawn explosions killed one person and injured another three, lighting up the sky and terrifying locals.
Though the incident appeared to be an accident, the government said it was not discounting any cause given the depth of feeling against Chavez by political opponents.
Venezuelans have been following events in the Arab world closely, with some Chavez foes privately expressing hopes for a similar uprising against him after nearly 12 years in power. AGENCIES
 

Bilal_Mushi

Minister (2k+ posts)
ElBaradei says Mubarak must leave office "today"
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WASHINGTON: Egyptian opposition figure Mohamed ElBaradei said on Sunday that President Hosni Mubarak must leave office today to make way for a national unity government.
"It is loud and clear from everybody in Egypt that Mubarak has to leave today," ElBaradei said in an interview aired on CNN. "He needs to leave today ... to be followed by a smooth transition (to) a national unity government to be followed by all the measures set in place for a free and fair election."
ElBaradei also said U.S. policy in Egypt was "losing credibility." AGENCIES
 

Young

Senator (1k+ posts)
مصر:مظاہروں سے غذائی بحران ،بیکریاں بند،&#

آٹے اور سبزیوں کی شدید قلت،قیمتوں میں ہوشربا اضافہ

مصر:مظاہروں سے غذائی بحران ،بیکریاں بند،لوٹ مار جاری

پیر 27 صفر 1432هـ - 31 جنوری 2011م


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دبئی ۔ آمال الہلالی مصرمیں گذشتہ چھے روز سے جاری پُرتشدد ہنگاموں اور احتجاج کے بعد آٹے اور سبزیوں سمیت بنیادی اشیائے ضروریہ کی شدید قلت ہوگئی ہے جس کے نتیجے میں مہنگائی میں ہوشربا اضافہ ہوگیا ہے اور دکانداروں نے لوٹ کھسوٹ شروع کر رکھی ہے۔

العربیہ ٹی وی کی ایک رپورٹ کے مطابق مصرمیں احتجاجی مظاہروں کے دوران نامعلوم افراد نے سرکاری اور نجی املاک کو تباہ کیاہے اور پُر تشدد ہنگاموں میں شدت کے بعد ملک میں غذا ئی اجناس اور اشیائے صرف کا نیا بحران پیدا ہوگیا ہے۔ملک میں ہنگاموں کے بعد سستی روٹی اسکیم کے تحت چلنے والے تنوروں کے بند ہونے سے شہری آٹے کی خریداری پر مجبورہوگئے ہیں۔

العربیہ کے نامہ نگاروں کا کہنا ہے کہ مصر میں 70 فیصد آبادی حکومت کی طرف سے روٹی پر دی گئی سبسڈی سے استفادہ کرتی ہے لیکن ہنگاموں کے بعد ملک بھر کے تنور بند ہوچکے ہیں۔

مصری صحافی خالد الخولی نے العربیہ نیٹ سے گفتگو کرتے ہوئے کہا کہ عوام کی صدرحسنی مبارک کےخلاف جاری پُرتشدد احتجاجی تحریک نے ملک بھر میں لگائے سستی روٹی کے تنوروں کو بندکردیا ہے۔تنوروں کی بندش کا سب سے زیادہ نقصان ان غریب افراد کوہورہاہے جو غربت کی لکیر سے نیچے زندگی بسرکررہے ہیں۔

انہوں نے کہا کہ ملک میں گندم اور آٹا عام عادمی کی قوت خرید سےباہر ہوچکا ہے جبکہ پرتشدد ہنگاموں کے بعد آٹے کی بلیک میں فروخت کا غیرقانونی دھندا زور پکڑ گیا ہے۔ خالد الخولی نے خبردار کیا کہ حکومت کی جانب سے شہریوں کو سستی روٹی سکیم کے تحت روٹی کی فراہمی یقینی نہ بنائی گئی توملک میں سیکیورٹی بحران کے بعد غذائی قلت کا بحران پیدا ہوسکتا ہے جو اپنے نتائج کے اعتبارسے موجودہ احتجاجی تحریک سے زیادہ تباہ کن ثابت ہوگا۔
مہنگائی میں اضافہ


العربیہ کی رپورٹ کے مطابق مصری بازاروں میں سبزیوں اوراناج کی موجودگی کے باوجود ان کی قیمتوں میں 35 فیصد تک اضافہ ہوچکا ہے۔ اشیائے صرف کے بڑھتے نرخوں کے بعد بلیک مارکیٹنگ کا دھندہ کرنے والےعناصرسرگرم ہوگئے ہیں اور انہوں نے اجناس کی بلیک فروخت شروع کردی ہے۔روزمرہ کی اشیاء کے علاوہ سگریٹ جیسی مصنوعات کی قیمتوں میں بھی 20 فیصد تک اضافہ ہوچکا ہے۔

خالد الخولی نے کہا کہ ملک میں ہنگامہ آرائی کا تسلسل، بڑی مارکیٹوں کی بندش، ڈسپنسریوں اور دواخانوں کا بروقت نہ کھلنا، ایدویہ کے عدم دستیاب، لوٹ مار، شام چاربجے سے صبح آٹھ بجے تک کرفیو کا نفاذ ایک نئے بحران کا پیش خیمہ ثابت ہوسکتے ہیں۔

دوسری جانب اطلاعات ہیں کہ ملک میں غذائی قلت کے خدشے کے بعد شہریوں نے خوراک کا ذخیرہ کرنا شروع کردیا ہے۔قاہرہ میں العربیہ کے نامہ نگارنے بتایا ہے کہ ملک میں باہر سے غذائی اجناس کی آمد کا سلسلہ منقطع ہوچکا ہے، جس کے نتیجے میں اگلےچند روزمیں غذائی بحران مزید سنگین صورت اختیار کرسکتا ہے۔
 
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student

Senator (1k+ posts)
Re: مصر:مظاہروں سے غذائی بحران ،بیکریاں بند،&a

Its feel like, Mubarak doesn't care about the country. He is Israeli trained guy who was governing Egypt and now He dont wana leave before fully damage the country economy. He knows he has to leave. But he is not leaving, which shows his intentions.
 

Salik

Senator (1k+ posts)
Re: مصر:مظاہروں سے غذائی بحران ،بیکریاں بند،&a

I hope he leaves soon.... so that law and order can be restored...
 

canadian

Chief Minister (5k+ posts)
Egyptian president announces new Cabinet, Canadians fly out

Published On Mon Jan 31 2011
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Cairo's international airport was a scene of chaos and confusion Monday as thousands, including Canadians, waited to flee the chaos in Egypt.
Chris Hondros/GETTY IMAGES
Hamza Hendawi and Maggie Michael Associated Press




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CAIRO—A coalition of opposition groups called for a million people to take to Cairo’s streets Tuesday to demand the removal of President Hosni Mubarak, the clearest sign yet that a unified leadership was trying to emerge for Egypt’s powerful but disparate protest movement.
In an apparent attempt to defuse the week-long political upheaval, Mubarak named a new government Monday — dropping the widely hated interior minister in charge of security forces. But the lineup was greeted with scorn in Tahrir Square, the central Cairo plaza that has become the protests’ epicentre, with crowds of more than 10,000 chanting for Mubarak’s ouster.
“We don’t want life to go back to normal until Mubarak leaves,” said Israa Abdel-Fattah, a founder of the April 6 Group, a movement of young people pushing for democratic reform.
In what appeared to be a reaction to the opposition call, state TV aired a warning from the military against “the carrying out of any act that destabilizes security of the country.” But it also said the military underlined that it “has not and will not use force against the public.”
If Egypt’s opposition groups are able to truly coalesce, it could sustain and amplify the momentum of the week-old protests. A unified front could also provide a focal point for American and other world leaders who are issuing demands for an orderly transition to a democratic system, saying Mubarak’s limited concessions are insufficient.
But unity is far from certain among the array of movements involved in the protests, with sometimes conflicting agendas — including students, online activists, grassroots organizers, old-school opposition politicians and the fundamentalist Muslim Brotherhood, along with everyday citizens drawn by the exhilaration of marching against the government.
So it was not clear how much the groups that met Monday represent everyone. The gathering of around 30 representatives, meeting in the Cairo district of Dokki, agreed to work as a united coalition and supported a call for a million people to turn out for a march Tuesday, said Abu’l-Ela Madi, the spokesman of one of the participating groups, al-Wasat, a moderate breakaway faction from the Muslim Brotherhood.
But they disagreed on other key points. The representatives decided to meet again Tuesday morning at the downtown Cairo headquarters of Wafd, the oldest legal opposition party, to finalize and announce a list of demands. They will also decide whether to make prominent reform advocate Mohamed ElBaradei spokesman for the protesters, Madi said.
Then, he said, they will march to Tahrir Square to demand the ouster of Mubarak, 82, whom they blame for widespread poverty, inflation and official indifference and brutality during his 30 years in power. The coalition also called for a general strike Monday, although much of Cairo remained shut down anyway, with government officers and private businesses closed.
The mood in Tahrir — or Liberation — Square, surrounded by army tanks and barbed wire, was celebratory and determined as more protesters filtered in. Some played music, others distributed food to their colleagues. Young men climbed lampposts to hang Egyptian flags and signs proclaiming “Leave, Mubarak!” A speakers corner formed on one side where people have a chance to grab the microphone and make their voices heard.
Egypt endured another day of the virtual halt to normal life that the crisis has caused. Trains stopped running Monday — raising the prospect that the government was trying to prevent residents of the provinces from joining protests in the capital. Banks, schools and the stock market in Cairo were closed for the second working day. An unprecedented complete shutdown of the Internet was in its fourth day.
Long lines formed outside bakeries as people tried to replenish their stores of bread, the main source of sustenance for most Egyptians.
Cairo’s international airport was a scene of chaos and confusion as thousands of foreigners sought to flee the unrest in Egypt and countries around the world scrambled to send in planes to fly their citizens out.
The first flight of Canadians has left the airport, reports the CBC. The Air Canada flight took off for Frankfurt after repeated delays. There are unconfirmed reports of 174 Canadians on the flight, along with 161 non-Canadians.
A wave of looting, armed robbery and arson that erupted Friday night and Saturday — after police disappeared from the streets — appeared to ease as police reappeared in many districts. Neighbourhood watch groups armed with clubs and machetes kept the peace in many districts overnight.
Still some incidents continued. One watch group fended off a band of robbers who tried to break in and steal antiquities from the warehouse of the famed Karnak Temple on the east bank of the Nile in the ancient southern city of Luxor. The locals clashed with the attackers who arrived at the temple carrying guns and knives in two cars around 3 a.m., and seized five of them, handing them over to the military, said neighbourhood protection committee member Ezz el-Shafei.
In Cairo, soldiers detained about 50 men trying to break into the Egyptian National Museum in a fresh attempt to loot some of the country’s archaeological treasures, the military said.
The official death toll from the crisis stood at 97, with thousands injured, but reports from witnesses across the country indicated the actual toll was far higher.
The White House said President Barack Obama called Britain, Turkey, Israel and Saudi Arabia over the weekend in the U.S. to convey his administration’s desire for restraint and an orderly transition to a more responsive government.
European Union foreign ministers urged a peaceful transition to democracy and warned against a takeover by religious militants.
Prime Minister Stephen Harper has called for a transition toward greater democracy and freedom in Egypt, but stopped short of calling for the ouster of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak in the face of continuing protests over his three decades of rule.
“We want to see a transition towards basic values of freedom, democracy, human rights and justice,” Harper told the House of Commons on Monday. “We want to make sure the transition does not tend towards violence, instability and extremism.”
For the second straight day, Foreign Affairs Minister Lawrence Cannon refused to be drawn into discussion on the future of Mubarak's government, which has now faced a week of mass protests.
“I think that it's quite clear. Canadians would not like to see foreign governments involve themselves in Canadian internal affairs,” Cannon told reporters.
“In the same manner, we are respecting the sovereignty of this country. It's up to the people of Egypt to make and to take the correct decisions that they feel need to be taken.
“It's not up to the government of Canada to go and get involved in internal politics in a country. We've called upon this government, the Mubarak government, to put in place both economic as well as democratic reforms.”
Cannon's remarks contrasted with what the former British prime minister said in an interview Monday. Tony Blair, the international Mideast envoy, suggested that a change in Egypt's leadership appears inevitable.
“Change will happen. You can't put the genie back in the bottle now,” he said.
Mubarak’s naming of a new Cabinet appeared to be aimed at showing the regime is willing to an extent to listen to the popular anger. The most significant change was the replacement of the interior minister, Habib el-Adly, who heads internal security forces and is widely despised by protesters for the brutality some officers have shown. A retired police general, Mahmoud Wagdi, will replace him.
Of the 29-member Cabinet, 14 were new faces, most of them not members of the ruling National Democratic Party. Among those purged were several of the prominent businessmen who held economic posts and have engineered the country’s economic liberalization policies the past decades. Many Egyptians resented the influence of millionaire politician-moguls, who were close allies of the president’s son, Gamal Mubarak, long thought to be the heir apparent.
Mubarak retained his long-serving defence minister, Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi, and Foreign Minister Ahmed Aboul Gheit.
State newspapers on Monday published a sternly worded letter from Mubarak to his new prime minister, Ahmed Shafiq, ordering him to move swiftly to introduce political, legislative and constitutional reforms and pursue economic policies that will improve people’s lives.
But as news of the new government was heard in Tahrir Square, many of the protesters renewed chants of “We want the fall of this regime.”
Mostafa el-Naggar, a member of the ElBaradei-backing Association for Change, said he recognized no decision Mubarak took after Jan. 25, the first day of Egyptian protests emboldened by Tunisians’ expulsion of their longtime president earlier in the month.
“This is a failed attempt,” said el-Naggar of the new government. “He is done with.”
The various protesters are united by little, however, except the demand that Mubarak go. Perhaps the most significant tensions among them is between young secular activists and the Muslim Brotherhood, which wants to form an Islamist state in the Arab world’s largest nation. The more secular are deeply suspicious the Brotherhood aims to co-opt what they contend is a spontaneous, popular movement.
ElBaradei, a pro-democracy advocate and former head of the U.N. nuclear watchdog, invigorated anti-Mubarak feeling with his return to Egypt last year, but the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood remains Egypt’s largest opposition movement.
In a nod to the suspicions, Brotherhood figures insist they are not seeking a leadership role.
“We don’t want to harm this revolution,” Mohamed Mahdi Akef, a former leader of the group.
Still, Brotherhood members appeared to be joining the protest in greater numbers and more openly. During the first few days of protests, the crowd in Tahrir Square was composed of mostly young men in jeans and t-shirts. Today, many of the volunteers handing out food and water to protesters are men in long traditional dress with the trademark Brotherhood appearance — a closely cropped haircut and bushy beards.
Mubarak, a former air force commander in office since 1981, is known to have zero tolerance for Islamists in politics, whether they are militants or moderates, and it remains highly unlikely that he would allow his government to engage in any dialogue with the Brotherhood.
Rashad al-Bayoumi, the Brotherhood’s deputy leader, said besides Mubarak’s ouster, the opposition coalition’s provisional demands include the release of political prisoners, setting up a transitional government to run the country until free and fair elections are held and prosecuting individuals thought to be responsible for the killing of protesters.
With files from the Canadian Press(http://www.thestar.com/article/930719)
 

canadian

Chief Minister (5k+ posts)
Why Obama has to get Egypt right
By George Soros
Thursday, February 3, 2011

Revolutions usually start with enthusiasm and end in tears. In the case of the Middle East, the tears could be avoided if President Obama stands firmly by the values that got him elected. Although American power and influence in the world have declined, our allies and their armies look to us for direction. These armies are strong enough to maintain law and order as long as they stay out of politics; thus the revolutions can remain peaceful. That is what the United States should insist on while encouraging corrupt and repressive rulers who are no longer tolerated by their people to step aside and allow new leaders to be elected in free and fair elections.

That is the course that the revolution in Tunisia is taking. Tunisia has a relatively well-developed middle class, women there enjoy greater rights and opportunities than in most Muslim countries, and the failed regime was secular in character. The prospects for democratic change are favorable.

Egypt is more complex and, ultimately, more influential, which is why it is so important to get it right. The protesters are very diverse, including highly educated and common people, young and old, well-to-do and desperately poor. While the slogans and crowds in Tahrir Square are not advancing a theocratic agenda at all, the best-organized political opposition that managed to survive in that country's repressive environment is the Muslim Brotherhood. In free elections, the Brotherhood is bound to emerge as a major political force, though it is far from assured of a majority.

Some have articulated fears of adverse consequences of free elections, suggesting that the Egyptian military may seek to falsify the results; that Israel may be adamantly opposed to a regime change; that the domino effect of extremist politics spreading to other countries must be avoided; and that the supply of oil from the region could be disrupted. These notions constitute the old conventional wisdom about the Middle East - and need to be changed, lest Washington incorrectly put up resistance to or hesitate in supporting transition in Egypt.

That would be regrettable. President Obama personally and the United States as a country have much to gain by moving out in front and siding with the public demand for dignity and democracy. This would help rebuild America's leadership and remove a lingering structural weakness in our alliances that comes from being associated with unpopular and repressive regimes. Most important, doing so would open the way to peaceful progress in the region. The Muslim Brotherhood's cooperation with Mohamed ElBaradei, the Nobel laureate who is seeking to run for president, is a hopeful sign that it intends to play a constructive role in a democratic political system. As regards contagion, it is more likely to endanger the enemies of the United States - Syria and Iran - than our allies, provided that they are willing to move out ahead of the avalanche.

The main stumbling block is Israel. In reality, Israel has as much to gain from the spread of democracy in the Middle East as the United States has. But Israel is unlikely to recognize its own best interests because the change is too sudden and carries too many risks. And some U.S. supporters of Israel are more rigid and ideological than Israelis themselves. Fortunately, Obama is not beholden to the religious right, which has carried on a veritable vendetta against him. The American Israel Public Affairs Committee is no longer monolithic or the sole representative of the Jewish community. The main danger is that the Obama administration will not adjust its policies quickly enough to the suddenly changed reality.

I am, as a general rule, wary of revolutions. But in the case of Egypt, I see a good chance of success. As a committed advocate of democracy and open society, I cannot help but share in the enthusiasm that is sweeping across the Middle East. I hope President Obama will expeditiously support the people of Egypt. My foundations are prepared to contribute what they can. In practice, that means establishing resource centers for supporting the rule of law, constitutional reform, fighting corruption and strengthening democratic institutions in those countries that request help in establishing them, while staying out of those countries where such efforts are not welcome.

The writer is chairman of the Soros Fund Management and the Open Society Foundations, which support democracy and human rights in more than 70 countries.
***Please do not reply to this message. This email was generated automatically and responses are not monitored.
 

Abdali

Senator (1k+ posts)
Mubarak's Last Gasps. Zaradaree And Gaylani You are Next.

There are decades when nothing happens; and there are weeks when decades happen.
--V. I. Lenin (1870-1924)
Victory is accomplished through the perseverance of the last hour.

--Prophet Muhammad (570-632 AD)
February 04, 2011 - -According to the CIA's declassified documents and records, senior CIA operative, Kermit Roosevelt, paid $100,000 to mobsters in Tehran, in early August 1953, to hire the most feared thugs to stage pro-Shah riots.
Other CIA-paid men were brought weeks later, on August 19, into Tehran in buses and trucks to take over the streets, topple the democratically elected Iranian government, and restore Shah Reza Pahlavi to his thrown. It took the people of Iran 26 years, enormous sacrifices, and a popular revolution to overthrow the imposed, corrupt and repressive rule of the Shah.
This lesson was not lost on the minds of a small clique of officials who were meeting in desperation in the afternoon of Monday, Jan. 31, 2011, in Cairo. According to several sources including former intelligence officer Col. Omar Afifi, one of these officials was the new Interior minister, Police Gen. Mahmoud Wagdy, who as the former head of the prison system, is also a torture expert. He asked Hosni Mubarak, the embattled president to give him a week to take care of the demonstrators who have been occupying major squares around the country for about a week.
Not only he had to rapidly reconstitute his security forces, which were dispersed and dejected in the aftermath of the massive demonstrations engulfing the country, but he also had to come up with a quick plan to prevent the total collapse of the regime.
The meeting included many security officials including Brig. Gen. Ismail Al-Shaer, Cairos security chief, as well as other security officers. In addition, leaders of the National Democratic Party (NDP)- the ruling party- including its Secretary General and head of the Consultative Assembly (upper house of Parliament), Safwat El-Sherif, as well as Parliament Speaker, Fathi Sorour, were briefed and given their assignments. Similarly, the retained Minister of Information, Anas Al-Feky, was fully apprised of the plan.
By the end of the meeting each was given certain tasks to regain the initiative from the street; to end or neutralize the revolution; and to defuse the most serious crisis the regime has ever faced in an effort to ease the tremendous domestic and international pressures being exerted on their president.
They knew that eyes around the world would be focused on the massive demonstrations called for by the youth leading the popular revolution while promising million-strong marches on Tuesday, Feb. 1. True to their promise the pro-democracy groups drew a remarkable eight million people (ten percent of the population) throughout Egypt on that day.
People from every age, class, and walk of life assembled and marched in every province and city by the hundreds of thousands: two million in Tahrir Square in Cairo, one million in Martyrs Square in Alexandria, 750 thousand in downtown Mansoura, and a quarter million in Suez, just to name a few. It was an impressive show of strength. This time, they demanded not only the immediate removal of Mubarak but also the ouster of the whole regime.
An evil plan devised
As the fierce determination of the Egyptian people to remove their autocratic president became apparent, governments around the world began pressuring Mubarak to step down and be replaced by his newly appointed Vice President, the former head of intelligence, Gen. Omar Suleiman. President Barak Obama, for example, dispatched over the last weekend former U.S. Ambassador, Frank Wisner, a close friend to Mubarak to deliver such warning.
Wisner indeed delivered a firm but subtle message to Mubarak that he ought to announce that neither he nor his son would be presidential candidates later this year. He also urged him to transfer his powers to Suleiman. Western governments have been alarmed by the deterioration of the situation in Egypt and were trying to give their preferred candidate, Gen. Suleiman, the upper hand before events favor another candidate that might be less amenable to Israel and the West, and therefore shift the strategic balance of powers in the region.
On Saturday Jan. 29, The National Security Council advised the president to ask Mubarak in no uncertain terms to immediately step down. However, Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel and King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia, whom the president consulted, strenuously objected and pleaded for time to allow Mubarak to stay in power at least until he finishes his term in September.
Openly criticizing Obama, former Israeli Defense minister, Binyamin Ben-Eliezer, a longtime friend of Mubarak, said, I don't think the Americans understand yet the disaster they have pushed the Middle East into. The Israeli lobby and Saudi Ambassador Adel Al-Jubeir went overdrive and intensified their lobbying efforts in Congress in order to exert immense pressure on the administration. Reluctantly, the U.S. president relented.
Meanwhile, the last touches of a crude plan to abort the protests and attack the demonstrators were being finalized in the Interior Ministry. In the mean time, the leaders of the NPD met with the committee of forty, which is a committee of corrupt oligarchs and tycoons, who have taken over major sections of Egypts economy in the last decade and are close associates to Jamal Mubarak, the presidents son. The committee included Ahmad Ezz, Ibrahim Kamel, Mohamad Abu el-Enein, Magdy Ashour and others.
Each businessman pledged to recruit as many people from their businesses and industries as well as mobsters and hoodlums known as Baltagies people who are paid to fight and cause chaos and terror. Abu el-Enein and Kamel pledged to finance the whole operation.Meanwhile,the Interior Minister reconstituted some of the most notorious officers of his secret police to join the counter-revolutionary demonstrators slated for Wednesday, with a specific plan of attack the pro-democracy protesters.
About a dozen security officers, who were to supervise the plan in the field, also recruited former dangerous ex-prisoners who escaped the prison last Saturday, promising them money and presidential pardons against their convictions. This plan was to be executed in Cairo, Alexandria, Suez, Port Said, Damanhour, Asyout, among other cities across Egypt.
By Tuesday evening, Mubarak gave a speech in response to the massive demonstrations of the day. He pledged not to seek a sixth term, while attacking the demonstrators and accusing them of being infiltrated, in an indirect reference to the Muslim Brotherhood. Nevertheless, he pledged to complete his term and that he would not leave under pressure.
Although he pledged not to run, he was silent about whether or not his son would be a candidate. He ended his 10 minute address by giving his nation a grave warning that the situation was extremely dangerous, and that the country would face either stability or chaos, presenting himself as the embodiment of the former. Leaders of the pro-democracy demonstrators immediately rejected his characterization and insisted that he leave power.
Although Sen. John Kerry, the Chairman of the Senate Relations Committee, called publicly on President Mubarak two days earlier to disavow any plans for his son to seek the presidency, the Egyptian president ignored his call. However, a former senior intelligence aide, Mahmoud Ali Sabra, who used to present daily briefs to Mubarak for 18 years (1984-2002), said publicly on Al-Jazeera that Mubarak has indeed been grooming his son to become president since at least 1997. Although Jamal had no official title in the government, Sabra stated that Mubarak asked him to present these daily intelligence reports to no one in the government except to him and his son.
Sabra also described how Mubarak was disturbed after the first stage of the 2000 Parliamentary elections, when the Muslim Brotherhood won a majority of seats. He then ordered his Interior Minister to manipulate the elections in the subsequent stages and forge the results in order to put NDP on top.
Shortly after the besieged presidents address to his nation around midnight on Tuesday, the baltagieswere unleashed on the pro-democracy demonstrators in Alexandria and Port Said beating and clubbing them in a rehearsal for what was to come the following day at Tahrir Square.
Tahrir or Liberation Square has been the center of action in Cairo throughout the protests. Its the largest square in the country located in downtown Cairo where millions of demonstrators have been gathering since Jan. 25. Eight separate entrances lead to it including the ones from the American Embassy and the famous Egyptian museum.
Around 2 PM on Wednesday Feb. 2, the execution of the plan of attack ensued in earnest. Over three thousand baltagies attacked from two entrances with thousands of rocks and stones thrown at the tens of thousands of peaceful demonstrators gathered in the square, while most attackers had shields to defend themselves against the returning rocks. While a few were armed with guns, all baltagies were armed with clubs, machetes, razors, knives or other sharp objects.
After about an hour of throwing stones, the second stage of the attacks proceeded as dozens of horses and camels came charging at the demonstrators in a scene reminiscent of the battles of the middle ages. The pro-democracy people fought back by their bare hands, knocking them from their rides and throwing their bodies at them. They subsequently apprehended over three hundred and fifty baltagies, turning them over to nearby army units.
They confiscated their IDs which showed that most assailants were either NDP members or from the secret police. Others confessed that they were ex-cons who were paid $10 to beat up the demonstrators. The camel and horse riders confessed to have been paid $70 each.
The third stage of the attack came about three hours later when dozens of assailants climbed the roofs in nearby buildings and threw hundreds of Molotov cocktails at the pro-democracy protesters below, who immediately rushed to extinguish the fires. They eventually had to put out two fires at the Egyptian museum as well. By midnight the thugs started using tear gas and live bullets from a bridge above the protesters killing five people and injuring over three dozens, ten seriously.
Interestingly, one hour before the planned assault the army announced to the demonstrators on national TV that the government got the message and then implored the protesters to end the demonstrations and go home. But when the protesters begged the army units to interfere during the brutal attacks that persisted for 16 hours, the army declared that it was neutral and partially withdrew from some entrances despite its promise to protect the peaceful and unarmed demonstrators.
By morning, the Tahrir Square resembled a battleground with at least 10 persons killed and over 2,500 injured people, 900 of which required transport to nearby hospitals as admitted by the Health ministry. Most of the injured suffered face and head wounds including concussions, burns and cuts because of the use of rocks, iron bars, shanks, razors, and Molotov cocktails. Al-Jazeera TV and many other TV networks around the world were broadcasting these assaults live to the bewilderment of billions of people worldwide.
Before the attacks started that afternoon, the Minister of Information had also executed his part of the plan. He called on all ministry employees to demonstrate on behalf of Mubarak in an upscale neighborhood in Cairo. He then asked the Egyptian state TV to broadcast live- for the first time in nine days of continuous demonstrations- the ensuing confrontation between the protesters and the government-sponsored thugs, in order to show the Egyptian people what chaos would bring to the country as Mubarak had warned them in his address just the previous night.
The battle plan was for the baltagies to block seven entrances of the Tahrir Square, leaving only the American Embassy entrance open for the thugs to push back the demonstrators in order for them to come so close to the Embassy that its guards surrounding it would have to shoot at them and thus instigate a confrontation with the Americans.
But the heroic steadfastness of the demonstrators lead by the youth was phenomenal as they not only withstood their ground but also chased them away every time they were pushed. By the next morning the assault fizzled and the whole world condemned the Mubarak regime for such wickedness, cruelty, and total disregard of human life.
The events in Tahrir Square and elsewhere strongly suggest government involvement in violence against peaceful protesters, said Kenneth Roth, executive director of the Human Rights Watch. The U.S. and other allies should make clear that further abuse will come at a very high price.
By that afternoon every major Western country has called for Mubarak to step down including the U.S, the European Union, the U.K, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Norway and many others. In Washington, White House spokesman Robert Gibbs called the violence by the pro-Mubarak crowd outrageous and deplorable and warned that it should stop immediately.
On the other hand, by daybreak, hundreds of thousands of Egyptians joined their fellow pro-democracy activists in order to show support and solidarity. The leaders of the protests have already called for massive demonstrations on Friday across Egypt after congregational prayers, calling the event Departure Day, in a reference to the day they hoped to force Mubarak to resign or leave the country.
In an attempt to contain the damage about what happened in Tahrir Square on Wednesday, Prime Minister Ahmad Shafiq offered his apology to the people. He also denied his governments involvement, calling for a prompt investigation and swift punishment for those who were responsible. Moreover, Vice President Suleiman appeared on state TV offering an olive branch to the opposition, declaring that all of their demands would be accepted by the government, while ignoring the main demand of Mubaraks ouster. He then pleaded for time to implement political reforms.
He also appealed to the nation to allow President Mubarak to complete his term until the upcoming presidential elections in September. For the first time, the regime then vowed that the presidents son would not be a candidate. He further called for dialogue with all opposition parties.
Ahmad Maher, 29, the national coordinator of the April 6 Youth movement, the primary group that called for and organized the uprising, immediately rejected the offer by Suleiman, calling it a trick to abort the revolution. He insisted on the main demand of removing Mubarak from power before any negotiations could take place.
All other opposition groups, including the popular Muslim Brotherhood, followed suit. Fridays Departure Day is promising to be a decisive day where the pro-democracy demonstrators vowed to continue the protests until Mubarak is ousted.
Meanwhile, the regime in a last-ditch effort to limit the effect of the demonstrations have asked all foreign journalists to leave the country before D-Day (Departure Day), and dismantled all cameras from Tahrir Square. There is not a single network in Cairo today that can broadcast the event live. Clearly, this last ploy was designed to intimidate the demonstrators who insisted that they would not cowed.
Likely scenarios: remember Marcos?
The Obama administration is evidently very frustrated with Mubarak because of his stubbornness and obliviousness to reality. President Obama bluntly declared on Tuesday, It is my belief that an orderly transition must be meaningful, it must be peaceful and it must begin now.
Since the crisis began ten days ago, the U.S, which has been supporting and subsidizing the Egyptian regime for three decades, expected that its beleaguered ally would listen to its advice, limit the damage, pack up and leave. But his performance and ruthless behavior have endangered its other allies in the region, and caused long-term damage to its strategic interests, namely, Israel, stability, oil, and military bases.
Egypt was one of the most important countries and allies to the U.S. in the region. It was a cornerstone in its strategic equation. If Egypt were to be lost to a more independent leader, the strategic balance of power in the region would radically shift against Americas interest or its allies.
In turn this change might cause a major re-assessment of the long-term American strategy in the region, especially in regard to policies related to Israel and counter-terrorism. Thus, Vice President Suleiman is considered by the U.S. and other Western allies, as the best person who could fulfill this role of maintaining the status quo. Thus, the more Mubarak maneuvered to stay in power, the less likely this prospect would be realized.
Ambassador Wisner, who has been in Egypt since Saturday, was asked to deliver to Mubarak an ultimatum from Obama. It would be similar to the one given to Ferdinand Marcos of the Philippines in 1989 by then President George H. W. Bush. Mubarak would be told that he should resign and transfer his presidential powers to his vice president.
If he refuses, the army would then remove him anyway, while Western governments would go after the billions in American and European assets that he and his sons have hoarded over the years. He would also be told that he would face a certain indictment by the International Criminal Court on War Crimes against his people. Surely, Mubarak would be expected to choose the first option and leave either to Germany under a medical pretext, or join his two sons in London.
As Omar Suleiman is promoted to become the new President of Egypt, this appointment will be hailed by Western governments and media as a great victory by the pro-democracy forces and as the expression of the will of the Egyptian people. Political and economic reforms will then be promised to the people, in an effort that allows great leeway in internal reforms but keep foreign policy intact.
However, this move will undoubtedly divide the country. The leaders of the revolution, namely the youth, who have led the demonstrations for the past two weeks and sacrificed blood for it, would continue to press for total and clean break from the previous regime. They will also be supported by popular and grass-roots movements such as the Muslim Brotherhood.
On the other hand, other opposition movements, which have little or no popular support bur were largely created by the Mubarak regime as a dcor to portray a democratic image, will accept Suleiman and embrace the new arrangements in order to have a seat at the table and get a piece of the pie. The Egyptian public will likely be split as well.
With the monopoly of the government over the state media and other means of government information control, the new regime may bet on getting a slack from the public while it consolidates its power.
Alternatively, the youth movement, which started its march towards freedom and democracy using social media and independent means of communications, while spearheading the most robust and forceful democracy movement in the whole region, may actually have the last word.

[SIZE=+1]By Esam Al-Amin[/SIZE]
 

Abdali

Senator (1k+ posts)
The Fake Moderation of America's Moderate Mideast Allies

The Fake Moderation of America's Moderate Mideast Allies..Waseem stop moderating my post ok.No censorship,or you will have more Mubarraks.Show some courage don't be affraid of the Criminal american empire.
Their time is up.

By Asli Bali and Aziz Rana

February 04, 2011 "
FPIF" -- As the Mubarak regime turns to violence in a vain attempt to repress the peaceful protests that have swept Egypt's streets for over ten days, the risks associated with current U.S. strategy for Egypt and the wider region continue to grow. In its response to the events, the Obama administration has subtly shifted its message, incrementally increasing pressure on the regime over the last week. But the more important story is the remarkable continuities reflected in the administration's approach.
Indeed, Washington's response has departed little from its original script. This script involves repeatedly invoking the language of "moderation" and order and stability. Such language defends a wait-and-see approach and encourages protesters to accept incremental reforms in place of the peaceful democratic revolution that ordinary Egyptians have created and, against all odds, sustained. The call for orderly transition and managed reform is, in fact, a call for more of the same.
This approach - including any U.S. backed effort to remove Mubarak while retaining the larger regime through the new Vice President Omar Suleiman - is no longer viable. Nor is a belated demand for an end to violence sufficient. A definitive break from the scripts of stability and moderation and a reorientation of American policy toward Egypt -and the broader region - around the democratic aspirations of protesters is the only way forward.
A Familiar Story

Resort to the language of order, stability, incrementalism, and moderation is hardly new and existed well before the events of last week. Not only is it consistent with the basic stance that the Obama administration has taken toward the Middle East from the very outset, but it reflects the long trajectory of American practices in the region, which have depended on shoring up Arab authoritarians who are willing to serve in an American "axis of moderation." The members of this axis -- Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Tunisia, Jordan -- have displayed little in common other than a commitment to sustaining current U.S. foreign policy priorities - on Israel/Palestine, the containment of Iran, and access to oil. What they pointedly do not share is any tangible commitment to actual moderation - understood as an internal project of democratization or political openness. This latter fact has been powerfully exposed by the nonviolent demonstrations across the region, and, as in the case of Egypt, the increasingly brutal response such protest has elicited from "moderate" allies.
At the heart of American support for such autocrats is a false opposition between chaos and order, with many in Washington arguing that the only way to avoid pervasive regional violence is to maintain the status quo. But rather than calling for stasis, the United States now has a chance both to vindicate its rhetoric of democracy and in the process to produce a more lasting and stable regional peace. The events of the recent weeks underscore that long-term stability can neither be provided from the outside nor afforded to regimes that are best characterized by their willingness to advance Western preferences at the expense of repressing the preferences of their own citizens. If U.S. interests lie with a stable regional order, such a goal actually requires realigning American goals with those of local players deemed legitimate by their own people. This might mean building strategies around allies that cannot always be counted on to toe an American line.
This shift would require abandoning a vision of Pax-Americana. But it would nonetheless produce a region better able to serve as a partner over the coming decades. In other words, democracy for the Middle East need not be thought of as incompatible with order and synonymous with extremist violence. Rather, a region of democratic regimes that enjoy domestic legitimacy is likely the only viable method of ensuring that governments do not replay a continuous cycle of repression, entrenchment, and collapse.
If it fails to alter course, the Obama administration may well finally and irrevocably deplete its credibility in the region. For a decade local democracy advocates in the Middle East have called for change and hoped for Western support - only to be disappointed. On the rare occasion where support for democracy yielded free and fair elections - as in the Palestinian elections of 2006 - those outcomes were repudiated and replaced with punitive strategies, as exemplified by the blockade on Gaza. More often the language of democracy has been coupled with orchestrated exercises that returned reliable American clients to power. These dual tactics left many democracy activists on the ground suspicious of U.S. intentions and lent support to the view that the United States opposed local democratic demands.
Disappointing Responses

To date Western responses to events in Egypt have been depressingly familiar. The leaders of France, Germany, and the United Kingdom took the unusual step of issuing a joint statement last weekend, but substantively it was nothing other than business as usual. Congratulating Mubarak on his "moderating influence" in the region, Prime Minister David Cameron, President Nicolas Sarkozy, and Chancellor Angela Merkel urged him "to show the same moderation in addressing the current situation in Egypt." Messages from Europe this week have continued this theme, calling for reforms by the Mubarak regime rather than recognizing the legitimate demands of Egyptians for regime change.
Similarly, the message from President Obama on Tuesday focused on underscoring "orderly transition," an apparent endorsement of Mubarak's strategy to remain in office until September. In Mubarak's February 1 address, he disparaged pro-democracy protesters while simultaneously posing the alternatives between his continued role and their demands as a choice between chaos and stability. President Obama stated in his address later that same evening that he had spoken to Mubarak and communicated to him the call for order and transition. The common themes underlying the President's preferred approach and Mubarak's own framing - chaos versus order - reflects a disturbing convergence around a blinkered vision for Egypt.
The emphasis on "orderly" or managed transition in Obama's speech suggests coded language for a strategy of keeping Mubarak in office until a medium-term alternative can be identified. If events in the streets of Egypt demand a faster pace of change, an alternative shorter-term strategy of "transition" may yet emerge. Wednesday's violence and the Obama administration's response suggest that the United States might bow to the inevitability of a near-term exit for Mubarak. Yet such an exit may well be managed through U.S. coordination with Mubarak and his inner circle to produce another "orderly" process that maintains the regime - for instance, through Suleiman - until September or beyond. If the Obama administration supports either of these strategies of regime maintenance in the short- or medium-term - the U.S. approach will increasingly diverge from the demands of ordinary citizens for democracy.
Although both Mubarak and Obama have framed the issue as chaos versus order, the protesters in Egypt have shown the falseness of this dichotomy by being peaceful, nonviolent, and orderly, even to the point of organizing spontaneous neighborhood watches to secure their homes and national treasures like the Egyptian museum. They have acted in line with the basic political commitments purportedly favored by the West: freedom, human rights, and democracy.
By contrast, the regime that Western leaders have lauded for decades as a beacon of moderation has unleashed its salaried, plainclothes security personnel to loot its own cities, set fire to its streets, and attack unarmed protesters with Molotov cocktails, knives, U.S.-supplied tear gas canisters, and live ammunition. The new Vice President Suleiman now promises to employ the same security services to arrest those the regime chooses to blame for the disorder and violence it has wrought.
A Flawed Transition

Providing Mubarak, or his regime, with an additional eight months to crush domestic opponents, hand- select a successor that will hew to existing policies - in line with Western preferences - and orchestrate another round of Egypt's notorious elections is no formula for peace or stability. Such a U.S. strategy, in coordination with the Egyptian regime, would be a renewed license for Mubarak (or his vice president) to sow the very forms of violence and repression with which the regime has long been identified. Calling for "all sides" to act with moderation, maintaining supposed "neutrality" between unarmed peaceful protesters and a regime using U.S.-supplied materiel to threaten and attack its people is understood across the region as choosing the side of Mubarak. Nor is the belated request that the regime desist from violence sufficient, absent a clear and unequivocal expression of support for the core demands of the protesters: an immediate end to the Mubarak regime (not limited to the departure of Mubarak), constitutional reform, and the convening of free and fair parliamentary and presidential elections.
Supporting the demands of the Egyptian people, rather than an "orderly transition" managed by a fatally compromised Egyptian regime, will require Washington to enter into unchartered territory in its Middle East policies. The United States will have to redefine stability in terms that embrace local concerns with democratic legitimacy. As a consequence, Western leaders must recognize that the alternatives presented by events in Egypt are not solely a region of adversaries or clients. There is also the possibility of a region with its own internal priorities and resources, one that can be engaged with rather than dictated to.
The following weeks will provide a profound opportunity to reset the U.S. and European approach. Perhaps the high rhetoric of Barack Obama's Cairo speech may yet be redeemed. If not, events in Cairo and beyond will represent the death knell of the president's promise of a better posture for the United States in the Middle East and the wider Muslim world. It will make clear that for all the talk of freedom and moderation, the United States seems willing to jettison both at the slightest turn of events.
 

canadian

Chief Minister (5k+ posts)

No breakthrough in India-Pakistan talks
Thousands rally against attacks on shrines
PML-N Punjab given agenda deadline by PPP
PCB will not appeal against bans: Ijaz Butt




The collapse of a lie

From the Newspaper
By M.J. Akbar
Yesterday

NOTHING, goes the maxim, clears the head faster than the sight of a noose. This is true for ordinary mortals like you and me. Despots intoxicated by the hallucination of indispensability are either puzzled or terrified by the notion that power is finite.
Their cronies have always told them otherwise. Their palaces have insulated them from the street. The international order did business without the whisper of a question. Why bother?
Dictatorships are arrangements between elites. They begin, as in Hosni Mubarak`s case, as a lottery windfall. He would have retired into obscurity as a nondescript general with a few silly gongs on his breast if Anwar Sadat had not been assassinated by a soldier at a parade. (Since then, parading units do not carry live ammunition; which saved Rajiv Gandhi`s life during his visit to Colombo when all the man in uniform at the airport could do was attack India`s prime minister with a rifle butt.)
Mubarak began his rule with a lie, promising democracy while he rearranged the instruments and institutions that would keep him in power for three decades. He is trying to hold on with yet another lie, the promise to go quietly in September.
The army has provided the operative muscle to Mubarak, but from some distance, since it is a conscription force and does not want to lose its connect with the citizen. The bureaucracy pushed the files and picked up benefits. Media read from the Mubarak script and fawned over intermediaries of the palace. Foreigners swam in Sharm El Sheikh and gasped at the treasures of King Tut.
It was a different story for the people. Fear was the toxic smog over Mubarak`s Egypt. It was not the menacing black that darkened Saddam Hussein`s Iraq from horizon to horizon. Mubarak was too Egyptian to be that crass.
But an unmistakable haze of threat overshadowed you the moment you stepped outside proscribed limits. The proscribed lines were not cultural. You cannot have tourism as your principal wage-earner and ban bikinis or bars. Limits applied to the engagement between citizen and authority.
Deviants, particularly anyone asking for human or political rights, were punished by prison. Democracy was dismissed as an invitation to chaos. The first alibi of Mubarak remains the last alibi of Mubarak.
He is still trotting out this nonsense to the pitiful few who will listen. Perhaps he has actually begun to believe this rubbish. It is axiomatic that a despot must have contempt for his own people since he cannot trust them with collective common.
Dissidents who became insistent, or those who dared to organise secular opposition, were picked by the dreaded Mukharabat, the intelligence service, uninhibited by a compromised judicial service.
The purpose was not merely to annihilate the victim but also send a chilling message to anyone foolish enough to believe in change. In the last decade, it was not only Mubarak who loomed over the nation, but his son Gamaal, whose sole qualification lay in his genes.It suited Mubarak to tolerate the Muslim Brotherhood (within parameters of course) as the only opposition. He could point to them as the alternative and ask the West to choose. America and Europe convinced themselves that the emasculation of the Egyptian people was a price worth paying for Israel`s security.
Once Egypt`s ruling class had been neutralised Palestine`s dream of an independent state remained just that, a dream. The US-sponsored Cairo-Tel Aviv deal maintained the status quo between existing nation states and their dynastic regimes, but eroded Palestinian space tree by tree, orchard by orchard, yard by yard, settlement by settlement, year after year. It was the perfect trap.
That trap has been sprung open. Mubarak could not do two things, the first of which was arguably less dangerous for him than the second. He could not ban the Muslim congregational prayer every Friday. This became the public meeting of thousands of communities, united in reverence to God, but increasingly sceptical of the man who had imposed his authoritarian regime in Cairo. It is not an accident that the namaz has become a recurring symbol of protest at Tahrir Square in Cairo.
Nor could Mubarak censor Egyptian humour. The joke became a potent weapon of resistance. The Mukharabat was helpless. A joke has no author. How do you send Mr Anonymous to jail? Laughter ripped apart Mubarak`s credibility during the long fallow years, until one sudden day it evolved into mass anger.
A state has many advantages in a confrontation with the people. It can twist the law under the pretext of maintaining order, even when it is the principal cause of disorder. A despot has even more advantages, because he is not in the least bothered by legitimacy: after all, a coup is an illegitimate birth. He can provoke violence and then cite violence as the predicted symptom of chaos. This is the final throw of Mubarak`s loaded dice.
A dictator has many routes back to square one. The people have only one road towards their horizon of democracy. They need heroes for the struggle is uneven. Egypt is trembling. If the people fail, the nation will fall into a dangerous abyss.
The writer is editor of The Sunday Guardian.
 

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