Who gets what from army rule in Karachi
Amir Mateen
Wednesday, August 28, 2013
From Print Edition
ISLAMABAD: The MQM definitely knows how to keep itself alive in the media. The call for giving away Karachi to Army under Article 245 of the Constitution was bound to stir a controversy.
Everybody agreed about the deteriorating state of affairs in Karachi. Target killings of specific religious and ethnic groups were increasing by the day. But this was too much, too early. The so-called democrats were still not finished congratulating each other for the great transition of the civilian power. And just when we thought the army rule was out of fashion and the politicians had learnt their lessons, bang came the MQM demand. Aghast, the new members, hardly settled in their seats, stood up in rage. This had every political party on its toes.
“How can you even think about this,” protested PTI’s Shah Mahmood Qureshi. “If you are so serious about it we would expect MQM Governor to resign at least.”The PPP was much more enraged. Naturally, this was a direct attack on its government in Sindh. Plus, this was seen as the MQM move to woo the Lyari voters.
Naveed Qamar came down heavily on the MQM: “It’s not a joke, especially coming from a party that opposed army operations in the past.” Khursheed Shah smelled a rat that “may be some forces are trying to create a situation for the army rule; let’s also have Army in Balochistan and KP.”
Nabeel Gabol added more fuel to the fire by reminding his earlier party about 1997 when the PPP invoked the same article for the army operation in Karachi, not to forget the Governor’s rule in Punjab two years ago.
Obviously, there was lot of politics behind the move. The MQM is going through an intense crisis. Altaf Hussain confronts serious criminal cases in London and the party is, in the words of Khursheed Shah, in “internal turmoil.” All of this could not have come at a worst time when, after 13 years, the MQM is out of power in Karachi as well as Islamabad. The glory of the MQM was of course the Musharraf era. The inmate of Chak Shahzad’s seven-star jail pampered the MQM in the hope that this might ensure his future security in future politics. Asif Zardari carried the baggage along. All of this has suddenly come down to a grinding halt for the MQM.
It’s obvious that the MQM, instead of adjusting to new realities, plays a desperate hand to invent leverage. “The MQM will rather call in Army than sit outside the power circle,” Khursheed Shah said without mincing words. Throwing the baby along with bath water, goes the clich.
The PTI had equal justification to oppose it. If this was allowed in Sindh today, the practice was sure to be practiced in the KP tomorrow.Also, Shah Mahmood has come a long way from the Zia legacy and likes to uphold democratic values—unlike many others in the PTI.
As for the PML-N government, it let the opposition stew in its own soup. It was only a day earlier the opposition seemed united against it.However, the retired general in Ghulam Qadir Baloch reminded the MQM about the consequences of the army rule. This meant Martial Law in Karachi with all fundamental rights suspended. And this came from a general who had practiced this under Musharraf in Balochistan and, many say, with ruthless abundance. It was a not a case of Army being called in aid of civilians but to control an explosive situation under Article 245 (3), which debars the High Court from interfering. The mere thought of it was scary.
This was also a reflection of the state of the affairs in the so-called ‘honeymoon period.’ Trust Aitezaz Ahsan for portraying a picture so dismal that you might want to leave this country. The crux of his opening speech in the Senate on the presidential address was that the government had miserably failed to control the law and order.
The country was on fire from Torkham to Karachi but the government had failed to make up its mind on terrorism.Somehow, Aitezaz seemed to have lost the halo around his head. The PPP defence was either too early because the people are yet to forget the follies committed by his dear government, which by the way, kept him at a distance for good five years. Or it was too late as much water had passed under the bridge. The whole exercise of discussing the address of a deadwood president seemed frivolous.
After all, Asif Zardari’s speech was more his political obituary than an ode to his five-year golden rule. True, it’s mandatory to discuss it in the Parliament. Perhaps the legal eagles should apply common sense to this charade. What’s the point of discussing a government that was booted out in the elections and the President who was being dined out—leaving a trail of corruption scandals and discredit for ruining the biggest political party of the country—perhaps irreparably?
Tail piece: The figure of 22 missing persons in Balochistan presented by Chaudhary Nisar in the Senate was, to say the least, unbelievable.Even Nisar confessed that it seemed incorrect but his hands were tied as he could not contradict the data provided by the provincial government.
Perhaps he could have advised his allies in Quetta not to rely on the same bureaucracy that provided such figures in the past also. He should desist mentioning about the Commission led by Justice (Retd) Javed Iqbal or check out its credentials from the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan.
Amir Mateen
Wednesday, August 28, 2013
From Print Edition
ISLAMABAD: The MQM definitely knows how to keep itself alive in the media. The call for giving away Karachi to Army under Article 245 of the Constitution was bound to stir a controversy.
Everybody agreed about the deteriorating state of affairs in Karachi. Target killings of specific religious and ethnic groups were increasing by the day. But this was too much, too early. The so-called democrats were still not finished congratulating each other for the great transition of the civilian power. And just when we thought the army rule was out of fashion and the politicians had learnt their lessons, bang came the MQM demand. Aghast, the new members, hardly settled in their seats, stood up in rage. This had every political party on its toes.
“How can you even think about this,” protested PTI’s Shah Mahmood Qureshi. “If you are so serious about it we would expect MQM Governor to resign at least.”The PPP was much more enraged. Naturally, this was a direct attack on its government in Sindh. Plus, this was seen as the MQM move to woo the Lyari voters.
Naveed Qamar came down heavily on the MQM: “It’s not a joke, especially coming from a party that opposed army operations in the past.” Khursheed Shah smelled a rat that “may be some forces are trying to create a situation for the army rule; let’s also have Army in Balochistan and KP.”
Nabeel Gabol added more fuel to the fire by reminding his earlier party about 1997 when the PPP invoked the same article for the army operation in Karachi, not to forget the Governor’s rule in Punjab two years ago.
Obviously, there was lot of politics behind the move. The MQM is going through an intense crisis. Altaf Hussain confronts serious criminal cases in London and the party is, in the words of Khursheed Shah, in “internal turmoil.” All of this could not have come at a worst time when, after 13 years, the MQM is out of power in Karachi as well as Islamabad. The glory of the MQM was of course the Musharraf era. The inmate of Chak Shahzad’s seven-star jail pampered the MQM in the hope that this might ensure his future security in future politics. Asif Zardari carried the baggage along. All of this has suddenly come down to a grinding halt for the MQM.
It’s obvious that the MQM, instead of adjusting to new realities, plays a desperate hand to invent leverage. “The MQM will rather call in Army than sit outside the power circle,” Khursheed Shah said without mincing words. Throwing the baby along with bath water, goes the clich.
The PTI had equal justification to oppose it. If this was allowed in Sindh today, the practice was sure to be practiced in the KP tomorrow.Also, Shah Mahmood has come a long way from the Zia legacy and likes to uphold democratic values—unlike many others in the PTI.
As for the PML-N government, it let the opposition stew in its own soup. It was only a day earlier the opposition seemed united against it.However, the retired general in Ghulam Qadir Baloch reminded the MQM about the consequences of the army rule. This meant Martial Law in Karachi with all fundamental rights suspended. And this came from a general who had practiced this under Musharraf in Balochistan and, many say, with ruthless abundance. It was a not a case of Army being called in aid of civilians but to control an explosive situation under Article 245 (3), which debars the High Court from interfering. The mere thought of it was scary.
This was also a reflection of the state of the affairs in the so-called ‘honeymoon period.’ Trust Aitezaz Ahsan for portraying a picture so dismal that you might want to leave this country. The crux of his opening speech in the Senate on the presidential address was that the government had miserably failed to control the law and order.
The country was on fire from Torkham to Karachi but the government had failed to make up its mind on terrorism.Somehow, Aitezaz seemed to have lost the halo around his head. The PPP defence was either too early because the people are yet to forget the follies committed by his dear government, which by the way, kept him at a distance for good five years. Or it was too late as much water had passed under the bridge. The whole exercise of discussing the address of a deadwood president seemed frivolous.
After all, Asif Zardari’s speech was more his political obituary than an ode to his five-year golden rule. True, it’s mandatory to discuss it in the Parliament. Perhaps the legal eagles should apply common sense to this charade. What’s the point of discussing a government that was booted out in the elections and the President who was being dined out—leaving a trail of corruption scandals and discredit for ruining the biggest political party of the country—perhaps irreparably?
Tail piece: The figure of 22 missing persons in Balochistan presented by Chaudhary Nisar in the Senate was, to say the least, unbelievable.Even Nisar confessed that it seemed incorrect but his hands were tied as he could not contradict the data provided by the provincial government.
Perhaps he could have advised his allies in Quetta not to rely on the same bureaucracy that provided such figures in the past also. He should desist mentioning about the Commission led by Justice (Retd) Javed Iqbal or check out its credentials from the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan.