Re: Altaf Hussain and its MQM Mafia losing grip on Karachi?
ایم کیو ایم کی تنگ نظر سوچ نے اہلیان کراچی کو سیاسی سماجی تنہائی میں دھکیل دیا ہے. اہلیان کراچی کو ضلعی تنظیم سے جان چھڑا کر قومی دھارے میں شامل ہونا چاہے
Thats what PTI supporter were saying before election and claiming they will clean sweep. PTI tsunami turned in to Muslim shower, keep dreaming PTI kids. :lol:
[h=1]کیا الطاف حسین کی بادشاہت کا خاتمہ ہونے والا ہے: نیو یارک ٹائمز برطانوی پریس کے بعد امریکی میڈیا میں بھی الطاف حسین کے خلاف مضمون کی اشاعت[/h]
14 ستمبر 2013 (02:30)
لندن(مانیٹرنگ ڈیسک) گزشتہ دو دہائیوں سے الطاف حسین نے اپنی جماعت کو سیاسی سلطنت کی طرح لندن مین بیٹھ کر شان و شوکت سے چلایا ہے اور قانون کی گرفت سے دور رہے ہیں، وہ برطانیہ سے بیٹھ کر گھنٹوں ٹیلی فونک خطاب کرتے ہیں اور ان کا نیٹ ورک شمالی امریکہ سے جنوبی افریقہ تک پھیلا ہو ا ہے ۔نیو یارک ٹائمز کے حالیہ شائع شدہ مضمون کے مطابق الطاف حسین کا یہ بین الاقوامی نیٹ ورک ان کے لئے کراچی کی سیاسی بادشاہت کا انتظام کرتا ہے ۔فاصلے معنی نہیں رکھتے یہ عبارت الطاف حسین کے کراچی کے پرانے گھر کے باہر لکھی ہوئی ہے اور وہ لندن سے بیٹھ کر اپنی پارٹی کو پاکستان میں چلاتے ہیں ۔برطانوی پولیس کی جانب سے قتل کے کیس کی تفتیش کے تمام اشارے الطاف حسین اور ان کی پارٹی کی طرف جارہے ہیں ۔ان کے لندن کے گھر اور آفس پر پولیس کی ریڈ ہو چکی ہے اور پولیس نے ان پر منی لانڈرنگ ا ور پاکستان عوام کو تشدد پر اکسانے کی تفتیش بھی شروع کر دی ہے ۔ اس تفتیش نے الطاف حسین کو یہ کہنے پر مجبور کر دیا تھاکہ اُن کی گرفتاری یقینی ہے ۔ان کی یہ بات کراچی والوں کے لئے ناقابل یقینی تھی اور وہ سوچنے پر مجبور ہو گئے ہیں کہ کیا ان کی بادشاہت کا خاتمہ نزدیک ہے۔الطاف حسین 1992ءمیں لند ن چلے گئے تھے جہاں ان کو سیاسی پناہ دی گئی تھی اور 2002ءمیں برطانوی پاسپورٹ عطا ہوا ۔لندن شہر پاکستانی سیاستدانوں کے لئے عارضی قیام گاہ رہا ہے جہاں خود ساختہ جلا وطنی کاٹنے والے سیاستدان قیام کرتے رہے ہیں۔سابق صدر پرویز مشرف اور وزیر اعظم نواز شریف بھی لندن میں عارضی قیام کر چکے ہیں تاہم الطاف حسین کا بظاہر واپس جانے کا کوئی ارداہ نہیں ہے ۔ الطاف حسین اپنے لندن والے گھر میں بیٹھ کر پر جوش تقریریں اور بعض اوقات گلا پھاڑ کر بھی کراچی کے لوگوں سے خطاب کرتے ہیں اور کبھی کبھی تو رونے بھی لگتے ہیں اور کبھی گا نا بھی شروع کر دیتے ہیں۔دوسر ی جانب ہزاروں کا مجمع ان کی تصویر سٹیج پر سجا کر ان کی تقریرانہماک سے سنتا ہے ۔ کراچی میں ایم کیو ایم کو پڑھے لکھے نوجوان مردوں اور عورتوں کی حمایت حاصل ہے ۔ اخبار لکھتا ہے کہ اندرون خانہ اس سپورٹ اور مینڈیٹ کے پیچھے مسلح گروہ بھی کام کرتے ہیں جو اغوا برائے تاوان ، ٹارگٹ کلنگ اور سیاسی مخالفوں کے قتل میں ملوث ہیں۔گوہ کہ دوسری سیاسی پارٹیاںبھی اپنی طاقت کا مظاہرہ کرنے کی کوشش کرتی ہیں لیکن ایم کیو ایم طاقت کے معاملے میں آگے رہتی ہیں ۔اخبار کے مطابق ایک امریکی سفار تخانے نے 2008ءمیں ایک پیغام میں کہاتھا کہ ایم کیو ایم کے 10ہزار فعال گن مین اور 25ہزار ریزرو فوج ہے اور یہ تعداد کراچی پولیس سے بھی زیادہ ہے اور یہ بات وکی لیکس میں بھی آچکی ہے۔اخبار لکھتا ہے کہ مغربی ممالک میں یہ پارٹی اپنے آپ کو اسلامی انتہا پسندی کا دشمن کے طور پر پیش کر کے بچتی آئی ہے ۔الطاف حسین کی قسمت کا ستارہ عمران فاروق کے قتل کے بعد گردش میں آگیا ہے۔گو کہ الطاف حسین نے اس قتل کے بعد بہت آہ وزاری کی لیکن جوں جوں پولیس کی تفتیش مکمل ہوتی گئی پولیس کی توجہ ان کی اور ان کی پارٹی کی طرف ہوتی گئی ۔دسمبر 2012ء میں سکاٹ لینڈ یارڈ نے ان کے لندن کے آفس کی تلاشی لی اور جون 2013ءمیں ان کے گھر کی تلاشی لی اور ساتھ ہی ان کے کزن اشتیاق حسین اور ایک اور فرد کو بھی گرفتار کر کے 6لاکھ ڈالر نقد اور جیولری قبضے میں لی ۔ اخبار کے مطابق الطاف حسین نے اپنے سیاسی مخالفوں کو بوری کی دھمکی بھی دیتے ہیں ۔الطاف حسین نے گزشتہ کچھ عرصے سے خطاب کرنا بھی کم کر دیا ہے اور افوائیں گردش کر رہی ہیں کہ ان کی صحت ٹھیک نہیں ہے ۔
نواز شریف کے لیے یہ اچھا موقع ہے اس وقت ایم کیو ایم انتحابات میں دھاندلی کے ذریعے آئی ہے ۔۔۔
جیسے میاں صاحب آپ بھی ۔۔۔۔
اور ایم کیو ایم کے ساتھ کوئی پبلک سپورٹ نہیں ۔۔۔
جیسے میاں صاحب آپ کے ساتھ بھی ۔۔۔ کراچی کو صاف کرنے کا اس سے اچھا موقح پھر نہیں ملے گا ۔۔
جیسے میاں صاحب آپ ملک کا پیسہ لوٹنے میں کوئی موقع ہاتھ سے جانے نہیں دیتے ۔۔ بالکل اُسی طرح
Now ummat is referring US newspaper :lol::lol::lol::lol::lol::lol::lol::lol: . . . . . It seems like daily ummat is only established to publish MQM news and they know more about MQM than MQM knows about itself :lol::lol::lol::lol::lol::lol::lol::lol:
Pakistanis iron grip, wielded in opulent exile, begins to slip: NYT
LONDON:
The New York Times has expressed fears that Altaf Hussains MQM network of influence and intimidation that stretches from North America to South Africa may now be fraying. In a detailed report by DeclanWalsh, the newspaper said: For two decades, Altaf Hussain has run his brutal Pakistani political empire by remote control, shrouded in luxurious exile in London and long beyond the reach of the law. He follows events through satellite televisions in his walled-off home, manages millions of dollars in assets and issues decrees in ranting teleconferences that last for hours all to command a network of influence and intimidation that stretches from North America to South Africa. This global system serves a very localised goal: perpetuating Hussains reign as the political king of Karachi, the brooding port city of 20 million people at the heart of Pakistans economy. Distance does not matter, reads the inscription on amonument near Hussains deserted former house in Karachi, where his name evokes both fear and favor. Now, though, his painstakingly constructed web is fraying. A British murder investigation has been closing in on Hussain, 59, and his MQM. His London home and offices have been raided, and the police have opened new investigations into accusations of money laundering and inciting violence in Pakistan. The scrutiny has visibly rattled Hussain, who recently warned supporters that his arrest may be imminent. And in Karachi, it has raised a previously unthinkable question: Is the end near for the untouchable political machine that has been the citys linchpin for three decades? This is a major crisis, said Irfan Husain, the author of Fatal Faultlines, a book about Pakistans relationship with the United States. The party has been weakened, and Altaf Hussain is being criticised like never before. Hussains rise offers a striking illustration of the political melee in Pakistan. His support stems from the Mohajirs, Urdu-speaking Muslims whose families moved to Pakistan after the partition from India in 1947, and who make up about half of Karachis population. Since the 1980s, the MQM has fiercely defended Mohajir interests, and in turn it has been carried to victory in almost every election and to an enduring place in national coalition governments as well. Hussain fled to London in 1992, when the movement was engaged in a vicious street battle with the central government for supremacy in Karachi. The British government granted him political asylum and, 10 years later, a British passport. London has long been the antechamber of Pakistani politics, where self-exiled leaders take refuge until they can return. The former military ruler, Pervez Musharraf, lived here until recently, and Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif lived here until 2007. Hussain, however, shows no sign of going back. The MQM has an office in Edgware, in northwest London. But these daysH ussain is mostly at home, in a redbrick suburban house protected by raised walls, security cameras and a contingent of former British soldiers he has hired as bodyguards. From there, he holds court, addressing his faraway followers in a vigorous, sometimes maniacal style, punctuated by jabbing gestures and hectoring outbursts. Occasionally, he bursts into song, or tears. Yet, on the other end of the line, it is not unusual to find tens of thousands of people crowded into a Karachi street, listening raptly before an empty stage containing Hussains portrait, as his disembodied voice booms from speakers. The cult of personality surrounding Altaf Hussain is quite extraordinary, said Farzana Shaikh, an academic and the author of Making Sense of Pakistan. He is immensely charismatic, in the way one thinks of the great fascist leaders of the 20th century. In Karachi, his overwhelmingly middle-class party is fronted by sharply dressed, well-spoken men and a good number of women and it has won a reputation for efficient city administration. But beneath the surface, its mandate is backed by armed gangs involved in racketeering, abduction and the targeted killings of ethnic and political rivals, the police and diplomats say. Other major Pakistani parties indulge in similar behavior, but the MQM frequently brings the most muscle to the fight. An American diplomatic cable from 2008 titled Gangs of Karachi, which was published by WikiLeaks, cited estimates that the party had an active militia of 10,000 gunmen, with additional 25,000 in reserve a larger force, the dispatch notes, than the city police. Many journalists who have criticised the party have been beaten, or worse, driving most of the news media in Karachi to tread lightly. In June, the Committee to Protect Journalists, a lobbying group based in New York, accused the party of organising the killing ofWali Khan Babar, a television reporter. In the West, the party has avoided critical attention partly because it has cast itself as an enemy of Islamist militancy. In 2001, Hussain wrote a letter to Prime Minister Tony Blair of Britain, offering to help Britain set up a spy network against the Taliban. Critics of the party have frequently questioned the role of British officials in facilitating its unusual system of governance. Pakistani exiles from Baluchistan, also accused of fomenting violence, have faced criminal prosecution. But Britain is not the only node of Hussains international support network. Through the Pakistani diaspora, the MQM has active branches as far afield as the United States, Canada and even South Africa, which has become an important financial hub and a haven for the groups enforcers, Pakistani investigators say. Two police interrogation reports obtained by The New York Times cite militants from the movement who say they traveled to South Africa in between carrying out political assassinations in Karachi. One of those men, Teddy Qamar, confessed to 58 killings between 2006 and 2012, the police say. In an interview, Anis Hasan, the partys joint organizer for South Africa, denied any link to organised violence. But if Hussain seemed immune to scrutiny at his London stronghold, his luck started to turn in September 2010 after Imran Farooq, a once-influential leader in the movement who had split from the party, was stabbed to death near his house in Edgware. Soon after, Hussain appeared on television, mourning Farooq with a flood of tears. But over the past year, the police investigation has turned sharply in his direction. In December, officers from Scotland Yards Counter Terrorism Command searched the movements London office. Then in June they went to Hussains home and arrested Ishtiaq Hussain, his cousin and personal assistant, who is now out on bail. The police impounded $600,000 in cash and some jewelry under laws that target the proceeds of crime. Hussain was not available for an interview, his party said. But a senior party official, Nadeem Nusrat, speaking at the movements London office, denied any link to Farooqs killing. Our conscience is clear, Nusrat said. We have nothing to do with it. Nusrat said the impounded money had come from political donations. And he rejected accusations, also the subject of a police inquiry, that Hussain has directly threatened political rivals, in some instances by warning that he would arrange for their body bags. Its all taken out of context, Nusrat said. Hussain has receded from public view during the recent furor. There have been rumors about mounting health problems, which Hussains aides deny. But he cannot return to Pakistan, they say, because the Taliban could kill him. In Pakistan, said Muhammad Anwar, a longtime aide, nobody can guarantee your life. Then there are the legal threats: over the years, dozens of murder charges have been lodged against Hussain in Pakistan, although some have been quashed in court. A more pressing question, perhaps, concerns the impact on the streets of Karachi if Hussain is forced to step down. Some fear that without his guiding hand, tensions within the movement could split it into hostile factionsa frightening prospect in a city where political violence already claims hundreds of lives a year. However viciously the party conducts itself, there is an order within the apparent disorder, said Shaikh, the academic. Even if the British government wished to crack down on Hussain, she added, it might find itself subject to appeals from the Pakistani authorities. The fear of Karachi going up in flames is so great, she said, that no government can take that risk, as long as Altaf Hussain is alive.